Political Science
Arts & Sciences
Duke University
| |
Faculty Database Political Science Arts & Sciences Duke University |
|
| HOME > Arts & Sciences > Political Science > Faculty | Search Help Login |
|
| Publications of Kyle Beardsley :chronological alphabetical combined listing:
%% Books
@book{fds343463,
Author = {Wilkenfeld, J and Beardsley, K and Quinn, D},
Title = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
Crises},
Pages = {1-424},
Publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
Year = {2019},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781788110693},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709},
Abstract = {Current conceptions of mediation can often fail to capture
the complexity and intricacy of modern conflicts. This
Research Handbook addresses this problem by presenting the
leading expert opinions on international mediation,
examining how international mediation practices, mechanisms
and institutions should adapt to the changing
characteristics of contemporary international
crises.},
Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709},
Key = {fds343463}
}
@book{fds328340,
Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping Women, Peace, and Security in
Post-Conflict States},
Pages = {272 pages},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
Year = {2017},
Month = {February},
ISBN = {9780190602437},
Abstract = {Karim and Beardsley also identify and examine how increasing
the representation of women in peacekeeping forces, and even
more importantly through enhancing a more holistic value for
"equal opportunity," can enable peacekeeping
operations ...},
Key = {fds328340}
}
@book{fds292241,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {The Mediation Dilemma},
Publisher = {Cornell University Press},
Year = {2011},
url = {http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100199150},
Key = {fds292241}
}
%% Chapters in Books
@misc{fds368525,
Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Peacekeeping and the problem of sexual and gender-based
violence},
Pages = {256-269},
Booktitle = {Handbook on Peacekeeping and International
Relations},
Publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
Year = {2022},
Month = {December},
ISBN = {9781839109928},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839109935.00030},
Doi = {10.4337/9781839109935.00030},
Key = {fds368525}
}
@misc{fds366285,
Author = {Wilkenfeld, J and Beardsley, K and Quinn, D},
Title = {Introduction to Research Handbook on Mediating International
Crises},
Pages = {1-9},
Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
Crises},
Year = {2019},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781788110693},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00005},
Abstract = {This Research Handbook brings together a number of
perspectives on the practice of mediation in the
international system. A diversity of origins and a wide
array of actors typify conflicts and crises today. The
widespread availability of lethal weapons at the disposal of
parties to conflict have made civilian populations
tragically vulnerable as they are often caught in the
crossfire. These circumstances require a systematic approach
to crisis management whereby we can attempt to match the
conditions of conflict with appropriate conflict management
mechanisms as we seek more effective control of conflict.
Mediation, the subject of this Research Handbook, is but one
of a number of tools available for addressing conflict and
crisis others include arbitration, adjudication, and
intervention in the form of peacemaking, peacebuilding, and
peacekeeping. We focus on mediation because we believe that
when applied to the confluence of conditions that typify
todays conflict and crisis arena, mediation either alone or
in combination with other intervention mechanisms can make a
crucial difference in whether or not the international
community will be successful in limiting conflict and
crisis. Let us begin first by clarifying our thoughts on
crisis. We feel the best way to think about conflict/crisis
is as a continuum. At some point in an ongoing conflict,
perhaps over land or resources, control of government,
borders between states, and so on, that conflict, whether
interstate or intrastate, reaches crisis proportions
widespread protests, threatening troop movements, violations
of cease fires, or actual violence. That is, there has been
a change in the disruptive interactions between the parties,
resulting either in hostilities or in a higher than normal
likelihood of violent hostilities. At that point, the
conflict has escalated to crisis. It need not entail
violence, but the probability that violence will ensue has
increased.},
Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00005},
Key = {fds366285}
}
@misc{fds366286,
Author = {Quinn, D and Beardsley, K and Wilkenfeld, J},
Title = {Concluding themes and policy recommendations},
Pages = {360-370},
Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
Crises},
Year = {2019},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781788110693},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00034},
Abstract = {In this concluding chapter, we pull together the main
findings of each of the chapters and group them so as to
capture both the central scholarly themes of the Research
Handbook and those insights that we believe will be of
particular relevance to the policy community. Readers are
encouraged to focus in on those themes that pique their
interest, and then go to those parts of the Research
Handbook, identified by the authors working on those themes,
for more detailed explication of these themes. A major theme
of this Research Handbook has been that crises in the
international system have become increasingly complex over
time and are perhaps even more complicated nowadays than
during the pinnacle of ethnic conflict during the early to
mid-1990s. This is exemplified most clearly by the dizzying
array of actors and interests involved in recent crises in
Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Ukraine. The trend toward
increasing complexity can largely be attributed to a related
increase in crises with characteristics of gray zone
conflicts, a recent term developed to describe crises and
conflicts that contain elements of both international
rivalry, including among great powers, and domestic
conflict, in which actors deliberately keep hostilities at a
level short of war and act via proxy in order to avoid
attribution and undesirable international
attention.},
Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00034},
Key = {fds366286}
}
@misc{fds366287,
Author = {White, PB and Cunningham, DE and Beardsley, K},
Title = {The United Nations Security Council and conflict prevention
in self-determination disputes},
Pages = {167-182},
Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
Crises},
Year = {2019},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781788110693},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00020},
Abstract = {There is a great deal of scholarship on the UN's response to
violent crises, but less is known about the UN's ability to
prevent violence from erupting in the first place. Does the
UN respond to potential intrastate crises to prevent civil
war and are these efforts successful? In this chapter, the
authors argue that the answer to both of these questions is
yes. In addition to outlining the history of and scholarship
on UN preventative action, they discuss statistical analyses
of self-determination disputes in which they find that the
UN does act to prevent potential crises from becoming
violent. They find that the UN is motivated to act primarily
by a disputes history of violence and potential regional
contagion. They have found also that these efforts are
generally successful in preventing non-violent disputes from
becoming violent. In both analyses, diplomatic action, such
as mediation, is a central activity.},
Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00020},
Key = {fds366287}
}
@misc{fds366288,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Quinn, D and Wilkenfeld, J},
Title = {Mediating complex crises},
Pages = {23-37},
Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
Crises},
Year = {2019},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781788110693},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00008},
Abstract = {This chapter focuses on mediation in the midst of an
evolving international system and the ways in which the
practice of mediation has changed and could stand to change
more in order to increase its effectiveness in managing and
resolving crises. Increasingly, when crisis mediation
occurs, it will involve multiple attempts. While instances
of mediation have declined in recent years, it is actually
more likely to occur in crises in which many actors are
involved and where there is a mixture of state and non-state
actors. The authors find that the ability for mediators to
assist the crisis actors in reaching an agreement or
otherwise attenuating their hostilities does not decline
much under such conditions. This has clear implications for
gray zone conflicts, which often involve many actors,
including state and non-state ones, and potential spillover
of intrastate to interstate crises. Mediation is most likely
to occur when these increasingly common gray zone conditions
are present. The authors also find that mediators tend to be
more effective in crises nested in protracted
conflicts.},
Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00008},
Key = {fds366288}
}
@misc{fds292210,
Author = {Beardsley, KC and Danneman, N},
Title = {Mediation in International Conflicts},
Booktitle = {Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences: An
Interdisciplinary, Searchable, and Linkable
Resource},
Publisher = {Wiley},
Editor = {Scott, RA and Kosslyn, SM},
Year = {2015},
ISBN = {978-1-118-90077-2},
Key = {fds292210}
}
@misc{fds292211,
Author = {Beardsley, KC and Karim, S},
Title = {Ladies Last: Peacekeeping and Gendered Protection},
Pages = {62-95},
Booktitle = {A Systematic Understanding of Gender, Peace and Security:
Implementing UNSCR 1325},
Publisher = {Routledge},
Editor = {Gizelis, TI and Olsson, L},
Year = {2015},
ISBN = {1138800023},
Key = {fds292211}
}
@misc{fds292223,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
Title = {Nuclear-Weapons Programs and the Security
Dilemma},
Booktitle = {The Nuclear Renaissance and International
Security},
Publisher = {Stanford University Press},
Editor = {Fuhrmann, M and Stulberg, A},
Year = {2013},
url = {http://www.sup.org/book.cgi?id=21105},
Key = {fds292223}
}
@misc{fds376456,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
Title = {Nuclear-Weapons Programs and the Security
Dilemma},
Publisher = {Stanford University Press},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds376456}
}
@misc{fds292222,
Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Issues in Data Collection},
Pages = {4705-4725},
Booktitle = {The International Studies Encyclopedia},
Publisher = {Blackwell},
Editor = {Denemark, RA},
Year = {2010},
url = {http://www.isacompendium.com/},
Key = {fds292222}
}
@misc{fds376668,
Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Issues in Data Collection},
Pages = {4705-4725},
Publisher = {Blackwell},
Year = {2010},
Key = {fds376668}
}
%% Journal Articles
@article{fds374332,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Beardsley, J},
Title = {Can peace operations mitigate the effect of armed conflict
on malnutrition? Evidence from Côte d’Ivoire},
Journal = {Environment and Security},
Volume = {1},
Number = {1-2},
Pages = {36-61},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2023},
Month = {September},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/27538796231177152},
Abstract = {<jats:p>Armed conflict increases food insecurity leading to
malnutrition especially in women, but can peace operations
mitigate the increased prevalence of malnutrition in
conflict zones? This study uses women’s nutrition
outcomes—key indicators of societal health and peace
potential in a community—as a lens through which one can
understand downstream, long-term, consequences of exposures
to violence both with and without the presence of United
Nations peacekeepers. Comparing data of adult women in Côte
d’Ivoire from the Demographic and Health Surveys, across
two waves that cover pre-conflict and post-conflict periods,
shows that peace-operation deployments mitigated the
relationship between conflict and malnutrition. Exposure to
armed conflict in the absence of peace operations is
associated with an increased propensity for underweight,
while exposure to armed conflict in the presence of
peacekeeping troops is not associated with an increased
propensity for underweight. A cross-national analysis using
data from the Food and Agriculture Organization also
confirms that food security, as well as cereal and meat
production, in the wake of conflict improves with
peace-operation deployments.</jats:p>},
Doi = {10.1177/27538796231177152},
Key = {fds374332}
}
@article{fds364963,
Author = {Chen, C and Roberts, J and Adhikari, S and Asal, V and Beardsley, K and Gonzalez, E and Jahanbani, N and James, P and Lobell, SE and Ripsman,
NM and Silverstone, S and Van Wijk and A},
Title = {Tipping Points: Challenges in Analyzing International Crisis
Escalation},
Journal = {International Studies Review},
Volume = {24},
Number = {3},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2022},
Month = {September},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viac024},
Abstract = {Why do some near crises tip over into full-blown crisis and
others do not? This paper considers existing scholarship and
identifies four key barriers to using quantitative analysis
for tipping-point analyses: strategic indeterminacy; the
incentives for conflict parties to avoid inefficiencies; the
paucity of cases; and the availability of quality data. Due
to these challenges, many do not perform well as immediate
causes for crisis escalation. We also argue and demonstrate
through two quantitative models of crisis escalation that
some variables, particularly related to domestic politics,
can do well in explaining why some disputes tip into crisis
and others do not. As we illustrate with reference to the
1995-1996 Third Taiwan Straits Crisis, qualitative
approaches that analyze the processes by which leaders and
foreign policy institutions make decisions add needed
explanatory power to purely quantitative models of the
potential for near crises to tip into crisis.},
Doi = {10.1093/isr/viac024},
Key = {fds364963}
}
@article{fds363119,
Author = {Blair, RA and Karim, SM and Gilligan, MJ and Beardsley,
K},
Title = {Policing Ethnicity: Lab-in-the-Field Evidence on
Discrimination, Cooperation, and Ethnic Balancing in the
Liberian National Police},
Journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {17},
Number = {2},
Pages = {141-181},
Publisher = {Now Publishers},
Year = {2022},
Month = {April},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00019226},
Abstract = {Ethnic balancing in the security sector increasingly
accompanies power sharing agreements after civil war, but
new challenges arise as these institutions must sustain
cooperation amidst increasing ethnic heterogeneity.
Inclusive involvement in security sector institutions may
reduce discrimination against minority groups. But pressure
to assimilate may also foment "loyalty conflict" among
minority group members, exacerbating discrimination. We test
these competing logics using surveys and lab-in-the-field
experiments with teams of Liberian National Police officers.
Consistent with a logic of loyalty conflict, we find that
teams with minority police officers are more rather than
less discriminatory against minority civilians. This effect
is not driven by heterogeneity, but rather by the presence
of minority police officers per se. We also find that teams
that include minority police officers are no more or less
cooperative than those that do not, and that heterogeneous
teams are no more or less cooperative than homogeneous ones.
We argue that these effects are likely a result of
professionalization processes that encourage conformity and
loyalty to an existing police subculture.},
Doi = {10.1561/100.00019226},
Key = {fds363119}
}
@article{fds365238,
Author = {Mahmood, Z and Beardsley, K and Newton, C and Roy, C and Kathman, JD and Tucker, C and Nomikos, WG and Villa, DN and Binder, M and Allen, S and Yuen, A and Passmore, TJA and Shannon, M and Hultman, L and Chapman,
TL},
Title = {The United Nations After 75: Assessing Current
Understandings, Charting Fruitful Research
Agendas},
Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
Volume = {29},
Number = {4},
Pages = {551-623},
Year = {2022},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2098650},
Abstract = {From its capacity for deploying joint operations in conflict
zones to its status as a standard-bearing forum for
international behaviour, the United Nations has asserted its
relevance in a diverse array of issues and conflicts around
the world. Equally as diverse has been the scholarship
surrounding the United Nations over the past several
decades. This collection of essays provides a snapshot of
these diverse lines of scholarship, highlighting existing
scholarship on a range of topics, as well as identifying
areas of opportunity for future scholarly work on these
topics. Taken as a whole, this forum more broadly provides
insight into core pillars of the United Nations'
mission--including the maintenance of peace and security;
fostering friendly relations between nations; promoting
human rights and humanitarian goals; and encouraging
cooperation and harmonization of interests between nations.
Moving forward, it is our hope that this collection will
serve as a sprigboard for inspiring future work to both
build and expand upon the insights from the past several
decades of scholarship on the United Nations.},
Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2022.2098650},
Key = {fds365238}
}
@article{fds350214,
Author = {Chen, C and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Once and Future Peacemakers: Continuity of Third-party
Involvement in Civil War Peace Processes},
Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
Volume = {28},
Number = {2},
Pages = {285-311},
Year = {2021},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2020.1768074},
Abstract = {Despite the importance of having continuity in third-party
involvement, many third parties lack the ability to commit
as long-term peace guarantors. We argue that non-state
actors and third parties with vested interests in peace and
stability will be more likely to sustain involvement in
post-conflict periods. Analysis of monthly level data from
the Managing Intrastate Conflict (MIC) project confirms that
third parties that have had wartime experience as conflict
managers are more likely to get involved in post-conflict
peace processes, regardless of whether the conflict
management is in the form of peacekeeping missions,
mediation or good offices; regardless of whether the third
party is geographically proximate; and regardless of whether
the third party is a state or non-state actor. The results
also confirm that third-party geographic proximity and other
measures of vested interests additively increase the
propensity for postwar involvement. However, wartime
conflict management experience matters less for third
parties with vested interests, suggesting the additional
importance of demand-side determinants of third-party
conflict management.},
Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2020.1768074},
Key = {fds350214}
}
@article{fds357622,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {Clarifying the mediation dilemma: A response to “Sticks
and carrots for peace”},
Journal = {Research and Politics},
Volume = {8},
Number = {2},
Pages = {205316802110270-205316802110270},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2021},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211027017},
Abstract = {This brief essay considers the “mediation dilemma” in
the light of new analysis by Constantin Ruhe and Iris Volg.
Ruhe and Volg’s analysis adds to our understanding of
manipulative mediation in two important ways: (a) it
demonstrates how an analysis that uses a lens of survival
functions clarifies the policy trade-offs beyond what is
possible from an analysis that uses a lens of changing
hazard rates; and (b) it demonstrates that lighter
(nonmanipulative) forms of mediation have a less positive
effect on peace stability than in the original analysis.
This response also offers important corrections to the
conclusions drawn by Ruhe and Volg: (a) ignoring the lens of
changing hazard rates misses key ways of testing for the
observable implications that arise from the underlying
theoretical arguments; (b) Ruhe and Volg misstate some of
the theoretical claims made by Beardsley; and (c) almost all
of the original implications explored by Beardsley remain
supported.},
Doi = {10.1177/20531680211027017},
Key = {fds357622}
}
@article{fds353327,
Author = {WEBSTER, K and TORRES, P and CHEN, C and BEARDSLEY,
K},
Title = {Ethnic and gender hierarchies in the crucible of
war},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {64},
Number = {3},
Pages = {710-722},
Year = {2020},
Month = {September},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa031},
Abstract = {Recent scholarship shows war can catalyze reforms related to
gender power imbalances, but what about reforms related to
ethnic inequalities? While war can disrupt the political,
social and economic institutions at the root of ethnic
hierarchy-just as it can shake up the institutions at the
root of gender hierarchy-war is also prone to have either a
reinforcing effect or a pendulum effect. Our project uses
data from the Varieties of Democracy project to examine
specific manifestations of changes in gender and ethnic
civil-liberty equality (1900-2015). Interstate war, but not
intrastate war, tends to be followed by gains in ethnic
civil-liberty equality, and intrastate war tends to be
followed by long-term gains in gender civil-liberty
equality. Wars with government losses are prone to lead to
improvements in civil-liberty equality along both
dimensions. In considering overlapping gender and ethnic
hierarchies, we find that when wars open up space for gains
in gender equality, they also facilitate gains in equality
for excluded ethnic groups.},
Doi = {10.1093/isq/sqaa031},
Key = {fds353327}
}
@article{fds349472,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Liu, H and Mucha, PJ and Siegel, DA and Tellez,
JF},
Title = {Hierarchy and the provision of order in international
politics},
Journal = {Journal of Politics},
Volume = {82},
Number = {2},
Pages = {731-746},
Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
Year = {2020},
Month = {April},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707096},
Abstract = {The anarchic international system is actually heavily
structured: Communities of states join together for common
benefit; strong states form hierarchical relationships with
weak states to enforce order and achieve preferred outcomes.
Breaking from prior research, we conceptualize structures
such as community and hierarchy as properties of networks of
states’ interactions that can capture unobserved
constraints in state behavior, constraints that may reduce
conflict. We offer two claims. One, common membership in
trade communities pacifies to the extent that breaking trade
ties would entail high switching costs: Thus, we expect
heavy arms trade, more than most types of commercial trade,
to reduce intracommunity conflict. Two, this is driven by
hierarchical communities in which strong states can use high
switching costs as leverage to constrain conflict between
weaker states in the community. We find empirical support
for these claims using a timedependent multilayer network
model and a new measure of hierarchy based on network
centrality.},
Doi = {10.1086/707096},
Key = {fds349472}
}
@article{fds340955,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Cunningham, DE and White, PB},
Title = {Mediation, Peacekeeping, and the Severity of Civil
War},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {63},
Number = {7},
Pages = {1682-1709},
Year = {2019},
Month = {August},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718817092},
Abstract = {One of the proposed benefits of third-party involvement that
has been offered to justify its use is that it helps reduce
the severity of conflict. Existing work finding that
peacekeeping operations reduce battle-related fatalities
considers peacekeeping in isolation from other forms of
third-party diplomatic involvement, such as mediation. We
argue that mediation has its own effect on patterns of
violence. Moreover, we argue that peacekeeping and mediation
can have an interactive effect, in which each enhance the
violence-reducing potential of the other. Using monthly data
on battle-related deaths in African intrastate conflicts, we
find that mediation is associated with reduced bloodshed. We
also find, consistent with existing work, that a greater
number of peacekeepers leads to a reduction in violence. In
addition, we find that mediation and peacekeeping efforts
reinforce one another, although each type of involvement is
able to reduce battlefield fatalities independently.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002718817092},
Key = {fds340955}
}
@article{fds342357,
Author = {Webster, K and Chen, C and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Conflict, Peace, and the Evolution of Women's
Empowerment},
Journal = {International Organization},
Volume = {73},
Number = {2},
Pages = {255-289},
Year = {2019},
Month = {March},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818319000055},
Abstract = {How do periods of conflict and peace shape women's
empowerment around the world? While existing studies have
demonstrated that gender inequalities contribute to the
propensity for armed conflict, we consider how the
anticipation and realization of armed conflict shape women's
opportunities for influence in society. Some scholars have
pointed to the role that militarization and threat play in
entrenching male dominance, while others have argued that
periods of warfare can upend existing gender hierarchical
orders. We posit mechanisms by which the preparation for and
experiences during war affect change in women's empowerment.
We develop and test observable implications using
cross-national data from 1900 to 2015. We find that, at
least in the short and medium term, warfare can disrupt
social institutions and lead to an increase in women's
empowerment via mechanisms related to role shifts across
society and political shifts catalyzed by war. Reforming
institutions and mainstreaming gender during peace processes
stand to have important legacies for gender power relations
in postconflict societies, though much more may be needed
for more permanent change.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0020818319000055},
Key = {fds342357}
}
@article{fds340594,
Author = {Karim, S and Gilligan, MJ and Blair, R and Beardsley,
K},
Title = {International gender balancing reforms in postconflict
countries: Lab-in-the-field evidence from the Liberian
national police},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {62},
Number = {3},
Pages = {618-631},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2018},
Month = {September},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqy009},
Abstract = {In the aftermath of civil conflict, war-torn states often
require reform of their government institutions. Gender
balancing, or the inclusion of more women in security-sector
institutions, is an increasingly common reform incorporated
into state-building processes. Our theoretical priors
suggest that gender balancing may influence unit cohesion,
operational effectiveness with respect to sexual and
gender-based violence, and organizational gender norms. We
study these propositions using laboratory experiments with
police officers of the Liberian National Police (LNP). We
randomly assigned the proportions of women and men in 102
groups of six LNP officers to observe their deliberative
processes and group choices. In our experiment, adding more
women increased unit cohesion, but we find no evidence to
suggest that simply adding more women would increase group
(or individual) sensitivity to sexual and gender-based
violence. We also find that, despite an increase in
participation and influence by women, male beliefs about
women's role in policing do not improve with the inclusion
of women. As one of the first experimental studies to assess
the effects of gender composition within the actual
population of interest, our results shed light on how
international interventions to address gender equality in
postconflict countries affect important outcomes related to
security.},
Doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy009},
Key = {fds340594}
}
@article{fds332877,
Author = {White, PB and Cunningham, DE and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Where, when, and how does the UN work to prevent civil war
in self-determination disputes?},
Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
Volume = {55},
Number = {3},
Pages = {380-394},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2018},
Month = {May},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317744826},
Abstract = {The UN has placed rhetorical emphasis on the prevention of
armed conflict before it starts and has taken selective
action toward that end. What determines where the UN gets
involved? We examine UN preventive actions by focusing on UN
Security Council (UNSC) resolutions in self-determination
(SD) disputes. We argue that UN decisionmakers consider at
least three factors when deciding where to target preventive
action: the dispute’s conflict history, the potential for
regional contagion, and the characteristics of the dispute.
We further argue that the political dynamics of UNSC
decisionmaking constrain the UN’s ability to pay attention
to the third factor (the characteristics of the dispute). We
test this argument using data on all UNSC resolutions
comprising the authorization of diplomatic engagement,
condemnation, the authorization of sanctions, and the
deployment of force targeted toward SD disputes from 1960 to
2005. We find that the UN is much more likely to act in
nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence and in
disputes with a potential for regional contagion. The
analysis shows that, while political barriers likely
restrict the ability for the UNSC to act when dispute-level
characteristics suggest armed conflict is more likely, the
UN does act proactively to prevent violence, rather than
just reactively responding to existing violence.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022343317744826},
Key = {fds332877}
}
@article{fds292224,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Cunningham, DE and White, PB},
Title = {Resolving Civil Wars before They Start: The un Security
Council and Conflict Prevention in Self-Determination
Disputes},
Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {47},
Number = {3},
Pages = {675-697},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2017},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {1469-2112},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123415000307},
Abstract = {A large literature has demonstrated that international
action can promote the resolution of civil wars. However,
international actors do not wait until violence starts to
seek to manage conflicts. This article considers the ways in
which the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reduces the
propensity for self-determination movements to escalate to
civil war, through actions that directly pertain to the
disputing actors or that indirectly shape actor incentives.
It examines the relationship between the content of UNSC
resolutions in all self-determination disputes from 1960 to
2005 and the onset of armed conflict in the disputes. The
study finds that diplomatic actions that directly address
disputes reduce the likelihood of armed conflict, and that
military force and sanctions have more indirect preventive
effects.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0007123415000307},
Key = {fds292224}
}
@article{fds320677,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {The known knowns and known unknowns of peacekeeping data:
Advances in the analysis of contributor-level peacekeeping
data, with a focus on gender data},
Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
Volume = {24},
Number = {1},
Pages = {9-13},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2017},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2016.1226768C},
Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2016.1226768C},
Key = {fds320677}
}
@article{fds320678,
Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Explaining sexual exploitation and abuse in peacekeeping
missions: The role of female peacekeepers and gender
equality in contributing countries},
Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
Volume = {53},
Number = {1},
Pages = {100-115},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2016},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343315615506},
Abstract = {Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) is an endemic problem in
UN peacekeeping missions. It is not only a gross human
rights violation, but also threatens to challenge the
legitimacy of the peacekeeping mission and undermines the
promotion of gender equality in host countries. We examine
if the composition of peacekeeping forces along two
dimensions – the proportion of women and the records of
gender (in)equality in the contributing countries – helps
explain variation in SEA allegations. Analysis of
mission-level information from 2009 to 2013 indicates that
including higher proportions of both female peacekeepers and
personnel from countries with better records of gender
equality is associated with lower levels of SEA allegations
reported against military contingents. We conclude that
substantial reductions in SEA perpetrated by peacekeepers
requires cultivation of a value for gender equality among
all peacekeepers – improving the representation of women
may help but still stops short of addressing the root of the
problem.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022343315615506},
Key = {fds320678}
}
@article{fds292212,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Gleditsch, KS and Lo, N},
Title = {Roving Bandits? The Geographical Evolution of African Armed
Conflicts},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {59},
Number = {3},
Pages = {503-516},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2015},
Month = {September},
ISSN = {0020-8833},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12196},
Abstract = {The fighting in some civil wars primarily takes place in a
few stable locations, while the fighting in others moves
substantially. We posit that rebel groups that do not
primarily fight for a specific ethnic group, that receive
outside military assistance, or that have relatively weak
fighting capacity tend to fight in inconsistent locations.
We develop new measures of conflict zone movement to test
our hypotheses, based on shifts in the conflict polygons
derived from the new Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED)
developed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). Our
empirical results provide support for the suggested
mechanisms. We find that groups which lack strong ethnic
ties and sufficient military strength to compete with
government forces in conventional warfare fight in more
varied locations. These findings improve our understandings
of and expectations for variations in the humanitarian
footprint of armed conflicts, the interdependencies between
rebel groups and local populations, and the dilemmas faced
by government counterinsurgency efforts.},
Doi = {10.1111/isqu.12196},
Key = {fds292212}
}
@article{fds292213,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Gleditsch, KS},
Title = {Peacekeeping as conflict containment},
Journal = {International Studies Review},
Volume = {17},
Number = {1},
Pages = {67-89},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2015},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {1521-9488},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12205},
Abstract = {A rich literature has developed focusing on the efficacy of
peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in a temporal sense - asking
whether the periods following a deployment are more peaceful
or not. We know less about the efficacy of PKOs in a spatial
sense. Can peacekeeping shape the geographic dispersion of
particular episodes of violence? We posit that PKOs can
contain conflict by decreasing the tactical advantage of
mobility for the rebels, by obstructing the movement of
armed actors, and by altering the ability for governments to
seek and confront rebel actors. We investigate the
observable implications using georeferenced conflict
polygons from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program's (UCDP)
Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED). Our findings confirm that
PKOs tend to decrease movement in the conflict polygons,
especially when robust forces are deployed and when rebel
groups have strong ethnic ties. Our findings, on the one
hand, imply that PKOs reduce the geographic scope of
violence. On the other hand, PKOs may allow nonstate actors
to gain strength and legitimacy and thus constitute an even
greater future threat to the state whether some form of
accord is not reached.},
Doi = {10.1111/misr.12205},
Key = {fds292213}
}
@article{fds292227,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Lo, N},
Title = {Third-Party Conflict Management and the Willingness to Make
Concessions},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {58},
Number = {2},
Pages = {363-392},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2014},
Month = {January},
ISSN = {0022-0027},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712467932},
Abstract = {Third-party conflict management, particularly legal dispute
resolution (arbitration and adjudication) and mediation, can
help improve the willingness of disputants to make
asymmetric concessions by ameliorating commitment problems
and providing political cover. In both regards, and
especially pertaining to commitment problems, mediation has
substantial limitations when compared to legal dispute
resolution. We develop these arguments and test the
observable implications on the Issue Correlates of War data.
To get traction on the mechanisms at work, we distinguish
between challenger concessions and defender concessions,
positing that challenger concessions face the primary hurdle
of political cover while defender concessions face the
primary hurdle of commitment problems. We find that legal
dispute resolution strongly increases the propensity for
concessions by both challengers and targets, even major
asymmetric concessions. Mediation, on the other hand, only
helps increase minor challenger concessions. Also consistent
with expectations, mediation best enables asymmetric
challenger concessions in the highly salient cases that need
the most political cover, and legal dispute resolution best
enables asymmetric concessions when there has been a history
of failed conflict management attempts that perpetuate
mistrust. © The Author(s) 2013.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002712467932},
Key = {fds292227}
}
@article{fds292240,
Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or
Informed Policymaking?},
Journal = {International Interactions},
Volume = {39},
Number = {4},
Pages = {461-488},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2013},
Month = {September},
ISSN = {0305-0629},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.805131},
Abstract = {Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution
1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for
peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption,
UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender
balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of
female peacekeepers during the decade 2000-2010 and
variation in the distribution patterns of female military
personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers
are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the
greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement.
Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of
peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing
countries, which might not have bought into the gender
balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN
Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female
military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is
least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most
needed-where sexual violence and gender equity has been a
major problem-and we find only a modest effect of having
specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.
© 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group,
LLC.},
Doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.805131},
Key = {fds292240}
}
@article{fds292239,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {The UN at the peacemaking-peacebuilding nexus},
Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
Volume = {30},
Number = {4},
Pages = {369-386},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2013},
Month = {September},
ISSN = {0738-8942},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894213491354},
Abstract = {The UN Security Council (UNSC) confronts at least three
challenges in translating its actions during armed conflict
into more durable peace after conflict. First, heavy-handed
interventions such as military deployments and sanctions can
impede the ability of the disputants to identify and reach a
self-sustaining settlement when there is insufficient
follow-through. Second, coordination problems can arise in
handing off peacemaking activities from actors in the
Secretariat to the UNSC when post-conflict security
guarantees and continuous engagement are needed. Third,
explicit attempts by the UNSC to produce peace and stability
make it susceptible to the problem of cheap talk when it
proclaims its concerns. After characterizing these problems
in theory and generating observable implications, the paper
uses original data on UNSC resolutions to test the
hypotheses. The results indicate that the UN can succeed as
a short-term peacemaker, particularly when it relies on
diplomatic engagement and sanctions. However, when there is
not adequate follow-through in the form of peacekeeping, the
UN struggles to improve the long-term prospects of peace in
part because it tends to promote stop-gap ceasefire
resolutions. With peacekeeping, active UN involvement during
conflict can promote long-term stability. Half measures such
as condemnations have little effect on the stability of
peace. © The Author(s) 2013.},
Doi = {10.1177/0738894213491354},
Key = {fds292239}
}
@article{fds292237,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Lo, N},
Title = {Democratic Communities and Third-Party Conflict
Management},
Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
Volume = {30},
Number = {1},
Pages = {76-93},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2013},
Month = {February},
ISSN = {0738-8942},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212456954},
Abstract = {We explore how the domestic political institutions of states
in the neighborhood of international disputants affect the
incentives for third-party conflict management. Existing
scholarship has argued that as the number of democracies in
the international system increases, disputants are more
likely to want and find third-party conflict management. We
propose two alternative explanations for the connection
between democratization and changing patterns of conflict
management that consider more localized mechanisms. We posit
that neighboring democratic leaders, with stronger
incentives to deliver public benefits, will be more willing
to push for their involvement as third parties, particularly
when the disputes are sufficiently salient to affect
regional security dynamics yet not so difficult that
protracted engagement is likely. We also posit that, since
international organizations (IOs) tend to be more engaged in
democratic communities, IOs will be more active peacemakers
in disputes, especially intractable and violent ones, that
occur in heavily democratic regions. Using event history
analysis of the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) data, we find
support for these arguments. Disputants with many democratic
neighbors are more likely to experience third-party conflict
management by democracies-this effect is increasing in the
salience and decreasing in the intractability of the
dispute-and IOs-this effect is increasing in the
intractability of the dispute. Counter to expectations based
on a logic of norm diffusion, third-party conflict
management is not more likely among democracies that are in
dispute with each other nor when the proportion of
democracies in the international system increases. © The
Author(s) 2013.},
Doi = {10.1177/0738894212456954},
Key = {fds292237}
}
@article{fds292238,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {Using the Right Tool for the Job: Mediator Leverage and
Conflict Resolution},
Journal = {Penn State Journal of Law and International
Affairs},
Volume = {2},
Number = {1},
Pages = {57-65},
Year = {2013},
url = {http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/jlia/vol2/iss1/8/},
Key = {fds292238}
}
@article{fds292235,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Schmidt, H},
Title = {Following the Flag or Following the Charter? Examining the
Determinants of UN Involvement in International Crises,
1945-2002},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {56},
Number = {1},
Pages = {33-49},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2012},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {0020-8833},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00696.x},
Abstract = {This paper compares the explanatory power of two models of
UN intervention behavior: (i) an "organizational mission
model" built around the proposition that variations in the
amount of resources that the UN devotes to different
conflicts primarily reflect the degree to which a conflict
poses a challenge to the UN's organizational mandate of
promoting international peace and stability and (ii) a
"parochial interest model" that revolves around the purely
private interests of the five veto-holding members of the UN
Security Council (the so-called P-5), i.e., interests that
are either unrelated to or at odds with the UN's
organizational mandate. Examining data on UN conflict
management efforts in more than 270 international crises
between 1945 and 2002, we find that measures of the severity
and escalatory potential of a conflict are significantly
better predictors of the extent of UN involvement in
international crises than variables that measure P-5
interests that do not align with the UN's organizational
mission of acting as a global peacemaker. This suggests that
the UN adheres more closely to the humanitarian and security
mission laid out in its Charter than critics of the
organization often suggest. © 2011 International Studies
Association.},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00696.x},
Key = {fds292235}
}
@article{fds292236,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {UN intervention and the duration of international
crises},
Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
Volume = {49},
Number = {2},
Pages = {335-349},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2012},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {0022-3433},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311431599},
Abstract = {This article examines the effect of UN actions on the
duration of international crises. Four different types of
action - assurance, diplomatic engagement, military
involvement, and intimidation - and three different outcomes
- compromise, victory, and stalemate - are considered. After
building on the existing literature to develop expectations
of how a third party like the UN shapes crisis trajectories,
hypotheses are tested using the International Crisis
Behavior (ICB) data and a new events dataset on UN activity.
Results from competing-risks models reveal that UN military
involvement does well to decrease the risk of one side
achieving victory, and diplomatic engagement increases the
ability of the belligerents to reach a compromise in the
long run. Moreover, diplomatic engagement accompanied by
military involvement substantially hastens the pace of
stalemate outcomes. Both tactics, however, have some
trade-offs. Military involvement can decrease the sense of
urgency for compromise; diplomatic engagement can be used
for insincere motives and increase the risk of one-sided
victory over time. UN actions of assurance and simple
intimidation have considerable shortcomings as crisis
management vehicles. © Peace Research Institute Oslo
2012.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022343311431599},
Key = {fds292236}
}
@article{fds292234,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {Peacekeeping and the contagion of armed conflict},
Journal = {Journal of Politics},
Volume = {73},
Number = {4},
Pages = {1051-1064},
Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
Year = {2011},
Month = {October},
ISSN = {0022-3816},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611000764},
Abstract = {Existing scholarship has characterized the severity of and
mechanisms behind the problem of conflict contagion but not
how to address it. Although studies of peacekeeping have
demonstrated that it can prevent conflict recurrence, we
know little about whether international actors can also help
prevent conflict from spreading. Using event history
analysis that incorporates information from neighboring
observations, the empirical findings indicate that the
expected risk of armed conflict increases by over 70% when
peacekeepers are not deployed to a recent neighboring
conflict but does not significantly rise when neighboring
peacekeepers are deployed. One of the key means by which
peacekeeping helps contain conflict is through addressing
problems related to transnational movement of and support
for insurgencies, thereby specifically preventing intrastate
conflict from increasing the propensity for new intrastate
conflict nearby. Moreover, both lighter and more substantial
peacekeeping deployments can prevent conflict diffusion. ©
Copyright Southern Political Science Association
2011.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0022381611000764},
Key = {fds292234}
}
@article{fds292233,
Author = {Beardsley, KC},
Title = {Pain, pressure and political cover: Explaining mediation
incidence},
Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
Volume = {47},
Number = {4},
Pages = {395-406},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2010},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {0022-3433},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309356384},
Abstract = {This article explores the effect of domestic and
international politics on the choice of mediation as a
conflict management strategy in international crises.
Existing work has yet to fully explore how domestic and
international audiences shape the combatants' preferences
for mediation. With regard to domestic pressures, combatants
often desire mediation as political cover for unpalatable
concessions. That is, intermediaries might obscure
responsibility for disappointing outcomes or signal the
prudence of compromise. In terms of international audiences,
affected third parties eager to shape the resolution outcome
might lobby to serve as a mediator. Since both domestic and
international audiences are affected by the crisis severity,
the article also explores how the pain of fighting
conditions the effect of international and domestic
political pressures. Empirical analysis of international
crises since World War I confirms that potential domestic
audience costs for seeking peace and the propensity for
concessions positively affect the probability of mediation.
Less clear is the role of third-party incentives; the
results indicate that a higher potential for
neighboring-state intervention actually decreases the
likelihood of mediation. Consistent with previous studies,
conflict costs increase mediation incidence, and the
findings also indicate that at high costs of conflict,
states appear in less need of political cover for making
concessions. © The Author(s) 2010.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022343309356384},
Key = {fds292233}
}
@article{fds292231,
Author = {Beardsley, K and McQuinn, B},
Title = {Rebel groups as predatory organizations: The political
effects of the 2004 Tsunami in Indonesia and Sri
Lanka},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {53},
Number = {4},
Pages = {624-645},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2009},
Month = {August},
ISSN = {0022-0027},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002709336460},
Abstract = {In this article we propose a new typology for insurgent
groups to explain why in such remarkably similar
conflicts-Sri Lanka and Aceh-the impact of the 2004 Indian
Ocean Tsunami was so different. We argue that two principal
factors shape all rebel groups by defining their incentive
structures: the efficiency of the return on investment of
the primary source(s) of support and the group's territorial
objectives. The former factor is especially strong in
explaining the different choices made by the LTTE and GAM.
In Sri Lanka, the availability of lucrative resources
outside the country has made the LTTE leadership inimical to
compromise, threatened by relief aid, and less reliant on
the local population. Lacking access to such high-return
funding sources, GAM on the other hand was more closely
linked to the needs of the local population and found
greater value in both outside aid and a comprehensive
settlement. © 2009 The Author(s).},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002709336460},
Key = {fds292231}
}
@article{fds292230,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
Title = {Nuclear weapons as shields},
Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
Volume = {26},
Number = {3},
Pages = {235-255},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2009},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {0738-8942},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894209104550},
Abstract = {What security benefits do nuclear weapons provide to their
possessors? After accounting for two potential selection
effects, the empirical evidence from all international
crises from 1945 to 2000 indicates that opponents of
nuclear-weapon states demonstrate restraint in turning to
violent aggression. Nuclear weapons, however, have little
effect on overall crisis occurrence.The authors also explore
the behavioral effects of nuclear-weapons programs and find
that program states have a higher proclivity for crisis
occurrence. © 2009 The Author(s).},
Doi = {10.1177/0738894209104550},
Key = {fds292230}
}
@article{fds292232,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {Intervention without leverage: Explaining the prevalence of
weak mediators},
Journal = {International Interactions},
Volume = {35},
Number = {3},
Pages = {272-297},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2009},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {0305-0629},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620903084547},
Abstract = {Existing research on international mediation emphasizes the
importance of leverage in altering the combatants' ability
to reach a negotiated settlement. Less understood is the
role of third parties that do not have access to sources of
leverage even though they comprise a substantial amount of
mediation efforts. This paper highlights two potential
explanations for the prevalence of "weak" mediators. First,
a choice of third parties without leverage might be a
product of the "supply side" preferences of the
international community, in particular, the great powers.
Second, the inclusion of third parties without any leverage
can result from actors hedging their commitments to the
peace process when they suspect with some uncertainty that
one side will use third-party involvement insincerely for
ends other than peace. Using data from the Managing
Intrastate Low Level Conflicts (MILC) project, in
conjunction with the PRIO/UPPSALA Armed Conflict data,
empirical results using competing risk models confirm both
logics. Mediators with weak leverage are more likely when an
actor has strong incentives to stall: specifically, when the
immediate costs of conflict are high, there is domestic
political pressure in the absence of democratic
accountability, and relative bargaining power is shifting.
The findings also suggest that supply-side dynamics matter.
Weak mediators are less likely in the presence of
substantial foreign investment and in neighborhoods with
strong states, but mediators of all types are more likely in
democratic neighborhoods. To further explore the role of
insincere motivations, the paper considers the 2002
Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) in Sri Lanka, brokered by Norway.
© Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.},
Doi = {10.1080/03050620903084547},
Key = {fds292232}
}
@article{fds292220,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Greig, JM},
Title = {Symposium:Disaggregating the incentives of conflict
management: Disaggregating the incentives of conflict
management: An introduction},
Journal = {International Interactions},
Volume = {35},
Number = {3},
Pages = {243-248},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2009},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {0305-0629},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620903084497},
Doi = {10.1080/03050620903084497},
Key = {fds292220}
}
@article{fds292229,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
Title = {Winning with the bomb},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {53},
Number = {2},
Pages = {278-301},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2009},
Month = {April},
ISSN = {0022-0027},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002708330386},
Abstract = {Nuclear weapons' effects on an actor's success in coercive
diplomacy are in part a function of how nuclear weapons
change the perceived costs of conflict. The authors argue
that states can improve their allotment of a good or
convince an opponent to back down and have shorter crises if
their opponents have greater expected costs of crisis.
Noting that nuclear weapons increase the costs of
full-escalation scenarios but decrease their probability, it
is uncertain what impact nuclear weapons should have on
expected costs of conflict. The authors assess crisis
outcomes from 1945 to 2000 using the International Crisis
Behavior data set. The evidence confirms that nuclear actors
are more likely to prevail when facing a nonnuclear state.
The expected duration of crisis in such asymmetric directed
dyads is substantially smaller than the duration of crisis
for actors in nonnuclear dyads. Nuclear actors in asymmetric
dyads are also more likely to prevail than states in
symmetric nuclear dyads. © 2009 SAGE Publications.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002708330386},
Key = {fds292229}
}
@article{fds292228,
Author = {Beardsley, K and Lim, JJ},
Title = {Atoms for Peace, Redux: Energy Codependency for Sustained
Cooperation on the Korean Peninsula},
Journal = {Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public
Policy},
Volume = {15},
Number = {1},
Publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
Year = {2009},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1554-8597.1129},
Doi = {10.2202/1554-8597.1129},
Key = {fds292228}
}
@article{fds292221,
Author = {Beardsley, K},
Title = {Agreement without peace? International mediation and time
inconsistency problems},
Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {52},
Number = {4},
Pages = {723-740},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2008},
Month = {October},
ISSN = {0092-5853},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00339.x},
Abstract = {Mediation has competing short- and long-term effects. In the
short run, the actors are better able to identify and settle
on a mutually satisfying outcome. In the long run, mediation
can create artificial incentives that, as the mediator's
influence wanes and the combatants' demands change, leave
the actors with an agreement less durable than one that
would have been achieved without mediation. This article
tests the observable implications from this logic using a
set of international crises from 1918 to 2001. The results
reconcile findings in the previous literature that
inconsistently portray the effectiveness of mediation. ©
2008, Midwest Political Science Association.},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00339.x},
Key = {fds292221}
}
@article{fds292217,
Author = {Asal, V and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Proliferation and international crisis behavior},
Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
Volume = {44},
Number = {2},
Pages = {139-155},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2007},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {0022-3433},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343307075118},
Abstract = {The literature on international conflict is divided on the
impact of nuclear proliferation on state conflict. The
optimists' argument contends that nuclear weapons raise the
stakes so high that states are unlikely to go to war when
nuclear weapons enter the equation. The pessimists rebut
this argument, contending that new proliferators are not
necessarily rational and that having nuclear weapons does
not discourage war but rather makes war more dangerous.
Focusing on one observable implication from this debate,
this article examines the relationship between the severity
of violence in crises and the number of involved states with
nuclear weapons. The study contends that actors will show
more restraint in crises involving more participants with
nuclear weapons. Using data from the International Crisis
Behavior (ICB) project, the results demonstrate that crises
involving nuclear actors are more likely to end without
violence and, as the number of nuclear actors involved
increases, the likelihood of war continues to fall. The
results are robust even when controlling for a number of
factors including non-nuclear capability. In confirming that
nuclear weapons tend to increase restraint in crises, the
effect of nuclear weapons on strategic behavior is
clarified. But the findings do not suggest that increasing
the number of nuclear actors in a crisis can prevent war,
and they cannot speak to other proliferation risks. © 2007
Journal of Peace Research.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022343307075118},
Key = {fds292217}
}
@article{fds292216,
Author = {Beck, N and Gleditsch, K and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Space Is More than Geography: Using Spatial Econometrics in
the Study of Political Economy},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {50},
Number = {1},
Pages = {27-44},
Year = {2006},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {0020-8833},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
Key = {fds292216}
}
@article{fds292219,
Author = {Beardsley, KC and Quinn, DM and Biswas, B and Wilkenfeld,
J},
Title = {Mediation style and crisis outcomes},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {50},
Number = {1},
Pages = {58-86},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2006},
Month = {February},
ISSN = {0022-0027},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002705282862},
Abstract = {This study focuses on the varying effectiveness of three
mediation styles - facilitation, formulation, and
manipulation - on international crises. Effectiveness is
assessed in terms of three outcome variables: formal
agreement, post-crisis tension reduction, and contribution
to crisis abatement. The authors analyze new data on the
mediation process from the International Crisis Behavior
project (1918-2001). Manipulation has the strongest effect
on the likelihood of both reaching a formal agreement and
contributing to crisis abatement. Facilitation has the
greatest influence on increasing the prospects for lasting
tension reduction. The authors explore how the different
styles affect the strategic bargaining environment to
explain these differences in impact. The findings suggest
that mediators should use a balance of styles if they are to
maximize their overall effectiveness. © 2006 Sage
Publications.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002705282862},
Key = {fds292219}
}
@article{fds292218,
Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Nosy neighbors: Third-party actors in Central American
conflicts},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Volume = {48},
Number = {3},
Pages = {379-402},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2004},
Month = {June},
ISSN = {0022-0027},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002704263710},
Abstract = {Scholars argue that third parties make rational calculations
and intervene to influence interstate dispute outcomes in
favor of their own objectives. Third parties affect not only
conflict outcomes but also escalation and duration. Theories
of third-party involvement are applied to understand the
dynamics of intrastate war. An analysis of event data for
three Central American conflicts (El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Nicaragua) from 1984 to 2001 is used to examine
transnational actors' influence on the dynamics of civil
war. Findings show that transnational third parties often
alter levels of cooperation among domestic adversaries, and
that consistency affects the strength and direction of
third-party influence.},
Doi = {10.1177/0022002704263710},
Key = {fds292218}
}
@article{fds292215,
Author = {Beardsley, KC and Eric D. Wish, and Dawn Bonanno Fitzelle, and Kevin O'Grady, and Amelia M. Arria},
Title = {Distance Traveled to Treatment and Client
Retention},
Journal = {Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment},
Volume = {25},
Number = {4},
Pages = {279-285},
Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
Year = {2003},
ISSN = {0740-5472},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0740-5472(03)00188-0},
Abstract = {This study examined the association between approximate
distance traveled to treatment, and treatment completion and
length of stay, for 1,735 clients attending outpatient
treatment in an urban area. Clients who traveled less than 1
mile were 50% more likely to complete treatment than clients
who traveled more than 1 mile, after holding constant
demographic variables and type of drug problem. Similarly,
clients who traveled more than 4 miles were significantly
more likely to have a shorter length of stay than clients
who traveled less than 1 mile. These findings have important
implications for the geographic placement of new treatment
facilities, as well as the provision of transportation
services to maximize treatment retention.},
Doi = {10.1016/S0740-5472(03)00188-0},
Key = {fds292215}
}
@article{fds292214,
Author = {Undie, AS and Berki, AC and Beardsley, K},
Title = {Dopaminergic behaviors and signal transduction mediated
through adenylate cyclase and phospholipase C
pathways.},
Journal = {Neuropharmacology},
Volume = {39},
Number = {1},
Pages = {75-87},
Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
Year = {2000},
Month = {January},
ISSN = {0028-3908},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0028-3908(99)00106-9},
Abstract = {We determined the relative effects of chemical receptor
inactivation on dopaminergic signaling through adenylate
cyclase and phospholipase C pathways and evaluated the
behavioral implications of such receptor manipulations.
Groups of rats were given intraperitoneal injections of 10
mg/kg N-ethoxycarbonyl-2-ethoxy-1,2-dihydroquinoline (EEDQ),
a reagent that differentially inactivates neurotransmitter
receptors. Control and treated animals were used to assess
dopaminergic-mediated behaviors or brain tissues were
prepared from the animals and used to assay D1-like receptor
binding and agonist-stimulated second messenger formation.
EEDQ decreased by 75% the number of D1-like binding sites
and completely abolished dopamine-stimulated cyclic AMP
formation in striatal membranes. Conversely,
dopamine-stimulated phosphoinositide hydrolysis was
insensitive to inactivation by EEDQ as examined over
different durations of EEDQ treatment, in different brain
regions, or with different concentrations of the D1-like
receptor agonist SKF38393. EEDQ-pretreated animals lost
their stereotypic response to apomorphine but showed
increased vacuous jaw movements in response to apomorphine
or SKF38393. Basal catalepsy was increased and SCH23390 was
unable to further enhance catalepsy beyond the basal levels
in the lesioned animals. In naive animals, SCH23390
catalepsy was reversed by apomorphine, and apomorphine
stereotypy was reversed by SCH23390. Taken together, the
present results imply that the dopamine-sensitive
phospholipase C system mediates a subset of dopaminergic
behaviors, notably vacuous jaw movements, in contrast to
stereotypy and catalepsy which appear to be respectively
mediated through stimulation and inhibition of the adenylate
cyclase-coupled dopaminergic system.},
Doi = {10.1016/s0028-3908(99)00106-9},
Key = {fds292214}
}
| |
Duke University * Arts & Sciences * Political Science * Faculty * Staff * Grad * Master * Foreign Exchange * Reload * Login | ||
