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| Publications of Melanie Manion :chronological alphabetical combined listing:
%% Books
@book{fds226751,
Author = {Melanie Manion},
Title = {Information for Autocrats: Representation in Chinese Local
Congresses},
Volume = {In Production},
Publisher = {New York: Cambridge University Press, Studies in Comparative
Politics Series},
Year = {2015},
Key = {fds226751}
}
@book{fds318593,
Author = {Carlson, A and Gallagher, ME and Lieberthal, K and Manion,
M},
Title = {Contemporary Chinese politics: New sources, methods, and
field strategies},
Pages = {1-328},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2010},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9780521197830},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511762512},
Abstract = {Contemporary Chinese Politics: Sources, Methods, and Field
Strategies considers how new and diverse sources and methods
are changing the study of Chinese politics. Contributors
spanning three generations in China studies place their
distinct qualitative and quantitative methodological
approaches in the framework of the discipline and point to
challenges or opportunities (or both) of adapting new
sources and methods to the study of contemporary China. How
can we more effectively use new sources and methods of data
collection? How can we better integrate the study of Chinese
politics into the discipline of political science, to the
betterment of both? How can we more appropriately manage the
logistical and ethical problems of doing political research
in the challenging Chinese environment? In addressing these
questions, this comprehensive methodological survey will be
of immense interest to graduate students heading into the
field for the first time and experienced scholars looking to
keep abreast of the state of the art in the study of Chinese
politics.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511762512},
Key = {fds318593}
}
%% Chapters in Books
@misc{fds370235,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {The Information Politics of COVID-19 in China},
Pages = {69-75},
Booktitle = {The Coronavirus: Human, Social and Political
Implications},
Year = {2020},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9789811593611},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9362-8_8},
Abstract = {This chapter documents two information failures in China in
early stages of the coronavirus that became the COVID-19
pandemic. First is the failure of timely and truthful upward
reporting from Wuhan in December 2019 and early January
2020, which kept Beijing ignorant of the outbreak and spread
of the virus. Second is the official misinformation to
ordinary citizens in mid-January, even after Beijing
understood the risk of transmission; this was accompanied by
an aggressive campaign of censorship and intimidation of
netizens who posted news about the virus on social media.
Both failures were also evident in China’s SARS crisis of
2002-2003 and stem from systemic problems of information
politics. China followed these failures with responses that
are unusually sensitive to the tradeoffs between
centralization and decentralization. With the draconian
lockdown of Wuhan, Beijing exercised effective leadership by
directly taking charge. Then, by invoking the Emergency
Response Law, which mandates highly localized response, it
permitted localities down to the county level to exercise
discretion in choosing a policy response suited to local
conditions and report upward ex post. With its capable
response, Beijing has deflected attention from early
failures, especially by comparison with bungling by
governments elsewhere in the world.},
Doi = {10.1007/978-981-15-9362-8_8},
Key = {fds370235}
}
@misc{fds356991,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Institutional design and anti-corruption in mainland
China},
Pages = {242-252},
Booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of Political Corruption},
Year = {2014},
Month = {December},
ISBN = {9780415617789},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315739175-28},
Abstract = {In 1980, communist revolutionary veteran Chen Yun, second
only to Deng Xiaoping in status, characterised the problem
of corruption as ‘a matter of life and death’ for the
Chinese communist party. Other Chinese leaders acknowledged
corruption as more serious than at any time since 1949, when
the communists won power on the main land in a protracted
civil war. Yet, despite an anti-corruption effort that now
extends back several decades, includes more campaigns than
found anywhere else in the world and metes out the death
penalty to corrupt officials, experts agree that corruption
in China remains wide spread and serious (Deng et al. 2010;
Manion 2004; Shieh 2005; Wedeman 2004, 2005, 2012). Indeed,
as best we can tell, corruption seems to have increased in
incidence, scope and sever ity since 1980. 1 Compared to the
past, it involves higher stakes and implicates a greater
number of higherlevel officials.},
Doi = {10.4324/9781315739175-28},
Key = {fds356991}
}
@misc{fds318588,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {The challenge of corruption},
Pages = {125-138},
Booktitle = {China's Challenges},
Year = {2014},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9780812223125},
Key = {fds318588}
}
@misc{fds318589,
Author = {Jackman, S and Manion, M},
Title = {Politics after the digital revolution},
Journal = {PS - Political Science and Politics},
Volume = {46},
Number = {4},
Pages = {916},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2013},
Month = {October},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096513001455},
Abstract = {<jats:p>For the APSA 2014 Annual Meeting, we ask political
scientists to consider politics and the study of politics in
an age now long characterized by the widespread use of
digital technologies.</jats:p>},
Doi = {10.1017/S1049096513001455},
Key = {fds318589}
}
@misc{fds318590,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Beyond enforcement: Anticorruption reform as a problem of
institutional design},
Pages = {1-11},
Booktitle = {Preventing Corruption in Asia: Institutional Design and
Policy Capacity},
Publisher = {Routledge},
Year = {2012},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9780203879764},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203879764},
Doi = {10.4324/9780203879764},
Key = {fds318590}
}
@misc{fds318592,
Author = {Shen, M and Yang, M and Manion, M},
Title = {Measuring change and stability over a decade in the Beijing
area study},
Pages = {236-245},
Booktitle = {Contemporary Chinese Politics: New Sources, Methods, and
Field Strategies},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2010},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9780521197830},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511762512.017},
Abstract = {Descriptive statistics from representative sample surveys
conducted in mainland China provide a static picture that is
often soon overtaken by the impact of rapid socioeconomic
change. The importance of longitudinal data generally, but
especially in such a context, cannot be overstated. Survey
researchers seem to recognize this: as discussed in Chapter
10, a remarkable number of surveys conducted in mainland
China have a longitudinal component. By far the most
ambitious of these is the Beijing Area Study (BAS), an
ongoing annual representative sample survey of Beijing
residents, designed and conducted since 1995 by the Research
Center for Contemporary China (RCCC) at Peking University.
This chapter begins with an introduction to the underlying
vision and goals of the BAS, as conceived in the early
1990s. It then turns to specific issues of questionnaire
content, sampling design, and survey implementation. We pay
particular attention to the challenges and changes faced
over the first decade of the BAS; major changes in sampling
were made in 2007, however, and we review these here. For
the most part, we do not present survey findings, except to
illustrate particular points in the discussion of methods.
Vision and Goals The BAS focuses mostly on socioeconomic
rather than explicitly political issues. Indeed,
“politics” does not even appear in the full project
title: Beijing Annual Survey of Social and Economic
Development (北京社会经济发展年度调查). This is
not simply because political topics are more sensitive than
social or economic topics, with implications for survey
implementation, although this is certainly a serious
consideration for a project with a long projected life span
as opposed to a one-shot effort. It also has much to do with
the context of the early 1990s, when the vision of the BAS
initially emerged. After 1992, with a renewed policy
emphasis promoted by Deng Xiaoping on the role of the
private sector in the economy, the pace of economic and
accompanying social change in China increased rapidly. In
the new historic period of “reform and opening,” the
broad goal of the BAS designers was to capture, with a
continually updated dataset, the impact of the major ongoing
reforms on the everyday lives of ordinary
Chinese.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511762512.017},
Key = {fds318592}
}
@misc{fds318594,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {A survey of survey research on Chinese politics: What have
we learned?},
Pages = {181-199},
Booktitle = {Contemporary Chinese Politics: New Sources, Methods, and
Field Strategies},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2010},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9780521197830},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511762512.014},
Abstract = {In a political environment that remains (at best) officially
skeptical about the enterprise, representative sample
surveys on Chinese politics have nonetheless grown
substantially in number in the past two decades: political
scientists trained and based outside mainland China
conducted a mere two such surveys in the 1980s, but the
number increased more than tenfold in the 1990s and
continues to rise steadily. By mid-2008, some sixty
articles, books, and book chapters drawing from original
representative sample surveys on Chinese politics had
appeared – including many articles in top-tier journals of
political science and area studies alike. This chapter
surveys the surveys and their products. It briefly explains
the focus here on probability sample surveys and describes
the changing regulatory context within which researchers
conduct their surveys. Most of all, it evaluates their
achievements, with attention to their cumulativeness,
contributions to knowledge, and fit in Chinese area studies.
The chapter is not a primer on the conduct of survey
research on Chinese politics in mainland China. It is
instead a status report and reflection on this research,
aimed as much (or more) at its consumers (and nonconsumers)
as at survey researchers themselves. From the corpus of
English-language monographs and peer-reviewed journal
articles authored by political scientists and published in
nonmainland sources through mid-2008, I identify studies
that exploit original probability sample survey data. In
coauthored works, I include studies that meet these criteria
so long as at least one of the authors is a political
scientist. I have surely missed some relevant surveys in my
search – but not, I think, any represented in studies
published in major journals of political science or Chinese
area studies or organized by any of the roughly half-dozen
major players in the enterprise of survey research on
Chinese politics. I focus in this chapter on original
surveys, not the small literature by political scientists
who analyze datasets produced wholly or mainly by others. At
the same time, the paucity of studies analyzing existing
datasets is a sign of the relative immaturity of survey
research on Chinese politics, a topic that merits discussion
and is taken up below.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511762512.014},
Key = {fds318594}
}
@misc{fds318591,
Author = {Arjomand, SA and Tiryakian, EA},
Title = {Introduction},
Pages = {1-13},
Booktitle = {Rethinking Civilizational Analysis},
Publisher = {Sage Publications},
Editor = {Arjomand, SA and Tiryakian, EA},
Year = {2004},
ISBN = {9780521197830},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511762512.001},
Abstract = {At a workshop at the University of Michigan in November
2006, three generations of scholars met to discuss and
debate the study of Chinese politics and how new and diverse
sources and methods are changing the field. This volume is
the culmination of that workshop. Drawing on diverse
research experiences, we present a wide range of sources,
methods, and field strategies for the study of Chinese
politics in the new era. As political scientists, we place
our distinct methodological approaches in the framework of
the discipline and point to particular challenges or
opportunities (or both) of adaptation in the context of
contemporary China. With the main focus on methodological
concerns and the discovery of new data sources, the chapters
in this volume are also richly substantive illustrations
that demonstrate how to adapt method to context innovatively
and appropriately. Thus, this book illustrates the benefits
of the emerging cross-pollination between China studies and
the broader discipline. Three major themes emerged from our
workshop discussions: (1) how to effectively use new sources
and data collection methods, (2) how to integrate the study
of Chinese politics into the discipline of political science
to the betterment of both, and (3) how to deal with
logistical and ethical problems of doing research in a
challenging environment. In this Introduction, we discuss
these themes in the sections below in the context of the
initial workshop, the substantive chapters in this volume,
and the field more generally. As only sporadic attention has
been paid to the nuts and bolts of the study of Chinese
politics, we hope this volume will spark future debates and
other publications, conferences, and graduate training on
research design and methodology in challenging fieldwork
sites. We recognize that this volume joins an existing
ongoing debate (Baum, 2007; Harding, 1994; Heimer and
Thøgersen, 2006; Manion, 1994; Perry, 2007 and 1994b;
Shambaugh, 1993; Wank, 1998). Collectively the following
chapters illustrate that although much has changed in the
realm of studying Chinese politics, many of the fundamentals
that previous scholars learned about this endeavor still
apply. Language skills and familiarity with China strike us
as remaining core prerequisites for scholars wishing to make
sense of any given aspect of Chinese politics. Moreover,
local knowledge – that is, knowing China – is
increasingly insufficient. Each of the contributors to this
volume has also utilized a wide variety of research skills
in his or her work. These skills cover a broad set of
approaches to politics and include the use of sophisticated
quantitative techniques, the production and utilization of
survey data, the application of new technologies, searching
out and making use of previously closed archival sources,
and even conducting quasi-experiments. Although such
approaches cover many tools in the political science kit,
and are illustrative of the impressive and at times
conflicting directions in which the study of Chinese
politics is headed, all contributors to this volume have
made use of such methods with a common purpose in mind: to
amplify their ability to describe and explain key aspects of
politics in contemporary China. As such, the volume shows
the rewards of bringing together scholars with diverse
backgrounds, yet who share a collective commitment to
pushing both China studies and the discipline forward in an
inclusive and mutually beneficial manner. Thus, although the
volume focuses on mainland China almost exclusively, we
believe that the methodology and research design strategies
presented here are relevant to scholars in many other places
around the globe.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511762512.001},
Key = {fds318591}
}
%% Journal Articles
@article{fds371894,
Author = {Li, Z and Manion, M},
Title = {The Decline of Factions: The Impact of a Broad Purge on
Political Decision Making in China},
Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {53},
Number = {3},
Pages = {815-834},
Year = {2023},
Month = {July},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000712342200062X},
Abstract = {We conceptualize broad purges, which extend far below top
powerholders in authoritarian regimes and operate according
to a logic fundamentally different from coup-proofing purges
that target rivals to the supreme leader. Broad purges
induce risk reduction in decision making because they
grossly exacerbate uncertainty and raise the likelihood and
cost of political error. Empirically, we analyze political
appointment decisions before and during a massive corruption
crackdown in China. We estimate purge impact on appointments
of prefectural Communist Party secretaries during 2013-17.
To signal to Beijing that they are not building factions,
party bosses of these officials can be expected to reduce
risk by biasing appointments against their own clients, with
variation in bias reflecting geographic heterogeneity in
purge intensity. We find a large effect of purge intensity
on anti-client bias during this broad purge but not in
previous smaller-scale anticorruption crackdowns. This study
contributes to knowledge about purges under
authoritarianism.},
Doi = {10.1017/S000712342200062X},
Key = {fds371894}
}
@article{fds362980,
Author = {Manion, M and Rothschild, V and Zhu, H},
Title = {Dual Mandates in Chinese Congresses: Information and
Cooptation},
Journal = {Issues and Studies},
Volume = {58},
Number = {1},
Year = {2022},
Month = {March},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/S1013251121500193},
Abstract = {Survey data suggest that a high proportion of Chinese
congress delegates sit concurrently in two or more
congresses. While dual mandates are not unusual in
democracies, the literature has failed to notice their
existence in China, let alone theorize or analyze them. We
turn to the political science literature on assemblies under
authoritarianism to guide our analysis of survey data for
3,008 county congress delegates, half of whom are concurrent
ones. We show that dual mandates amplify some voices and not
others in ways consistent with two perspectives in the
literature. Dual mandates amplify information from citizens
at the grassroots upward toward governments: More delegates
with deep community roots representing poor, rural, remote
districts sit concurrently in county and lower-level
congresses. Dual mandates also coopt influential groups
posing a potential challenge to ruling party power: They
amplify the influence of private entrepreneurs, more of whom
sit concurrently in county and prestigious higher-level
congresses.},
Doi = {10.1142/S1013251121500193},
Key = {fds362980}
}
@article{fds355148,
Author = {Chang, C and Manion, M},
Title = {Political Self-Censorship in Authoritarian States: The
Spatial-Temporal Dimension of Trouble},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {54},
Number = {8},
Pages = {1362-1392},
Year = {2021},
Month = {July},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021989762},
Abstract = {We theorize and measure a situational self-censorship that
varies across spatial-temporal political contexts.
Schelling’s insight that distinctive times and places
function as focal points has generated a literature
explaining how activists coordinate for protest in
authoritarian states. Our population of interest is not
activists but ordinary citizens, who, we assume, are
risk-averse and prefer to avoid trouble. Focal points rally
activists for political expression. By contrast, we
theorize, ordinary citizens exercise greater than usual
political self-censorship at focal points, to avoid
punishment as troublemakers. We test our theory by
leveraging geotagged smartphone posts of Beijing netizens on
Weibo, China’s version of Twitter, to estimate precisely
if, when, where, and how citizens engage in political talk.
We use a difference-in-differences strategy that compares
smartphone political talk at and away from focal places
before and after focal times. We find netizens self-censor
political talk significantly more at potentially troublesome
spatial-temporal focal points.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414021989762},
Key = {fds355148}
}
@article{fds355559,
Author = {Fravel, MT and Manion, M and Wang, Y},
Title = {A "China in the World" Paradigm for Scholarship.},
Journal = {Studies in comparative international development},
Volume = {56},
Number = {1},
Pages = {1-17},
Year = {2021},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-021-09317-w},
Abstract = {In this introduction to the special issue, we use the
expression "China in the world" paradigm to define
scholarship that purposefully migrates across the
traditional borders of comparative politics and
international relations in the study of China. We argue that
such a paradigm represents a view that many issues of
Chinese domestic politics are now issues of international
politics; as a result, domestic politics in a globalized
contemporary China often cannot be sufficiently understood
without considering international consequences. More than
this, the paradigm is about scholarly attentiveness to the
fact that the politics in China that we study also shapes
how the rest of the world views China. We describe the
paradigm and its antecedents in the scholarly literature. We
then illustrate, with reference to three momentous events
that captured public attention around the world in 2020, the
paradigm's usefulness as a perspective to scholars reaching
out to engage intellectually on contemporary affairs in an
environment in which global responses to China require
nuanced knowledge as all parties seek to avoid dangerous
pitfalls. We conclude by summarizing the five articles
included in the special issue and the broader implications
of the "China in the world" paradigm.},
Doi = {10.1007/s12116-021-09317-w},
Key = {fds355559}
}
@article{fds324769,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {“Good Types” in Authoritarian Elections: The Selectoral
Connection in Chinese Local Congresses},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {50},
Number = {3},
Pages = {362-394},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2017},
Month = {March},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414014537027},
Abstract = {A new electoral design for subnational congress elections in
China allows me to investigate the informational utility of
authoritarian elections. Authoritarian regimes are
notoriously bad at solving the moral hazard problem in the
voter’s agency relationship with politicians. Borrowing
from the literature on political selection, I theorize that
authoritarian elections can nonetheless solve the adverse
selection problem: Chinese voters can use their electoral
power to select “good types,” with personal qualities
that signal they will reliably represent local interests. I
analyze original data from a survey of 4,071 Chinese local
congressmen and women, including voter nominees and
communist party nominees. I find that voters do in fact
overcome coordination difficulties to nominate and elect
“good types.” In contacting politicians about local
problems after the elections, however, voters hedge their
bets by contacting regime insiders too. At these very local
levels, congressional representation by means of political
selection co-exists with communist party nominating and veto
power in the electoral process.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414014537027},
Key = {fds324769}
}
@article{fds339915,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Introduction},
Journal = {Economic and Political Studies},
Volume = {4},
Number = {1},
Pages = {1-2},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2016},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20954816.2016.1152677},
Doi = {10.1080/20954816.2016.1152677},
Key = {fds339915}
}
@article{fds339916,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Taking China’s anticorruption campaign
seriously},
Journal = {Economic and Political Studies},
Volume = {4},
Number = {1},
Pages = {3-18},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2016},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20954816.2016.1152094},
Abstract = {This article draws on a rich empirical literature on
comparative corruption and rich theoretical literatures on
the related topics of institutions and credible commitment
to analyze China’s newest anticorruption campaign, ongoing
today. It argues that the campaign differs notably from
previous efforts. In addition to its most obvious features
of longer duration and higher reach, the campaign has
significantly changed the structure of Party and government
incentives so as to reduce bureaucratic opportunities for
corruption and structural obstacles to anticorruption
enforcement. These features constitute important steps
toward anticorruption institutionalisation and credible
commitment to good governance. The article concludes by
proposing some strategic policy choices to promote and
protect anticorruption gains.},
Doi = {10.1080/20954816.2016.1152094},
Key = {fds339916}
}
@article{fds226753,
Author = {Melanie Manion},
Title = {’Good Types’ in Authoritarian Elections: The Selectoral
Connection in Chinese Local Congresses},
Volume = {Forthcoming},
Series = {Comparative Political Studies},
Publisher = {Pre-published 10 June 2014 as DOI 10.1177/0010414014537027},
Year = {2015},
Key = {fds226753}
}
@article{fds318587,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Authoritarian parochialism: Local congressional
representation in China},
Journal = {China Quarterly},
Volume = {218},
Number = {1},
Pages = {311-338},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2014},
Month = {June},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741014000319},
Abstract = {This article draws on evidence from loosely structured
interviews and data from original surveys of 5,130 delegates
in township, county and municipal congresses to argue that
congressional representation unfolds as authoritarian
parochialism in China. It makes three new arguments. First,
popularly elected local congresses that once only
mechanically stood in for the Chinese mass public, through
demographically descriptive and politically symbolic
representation, now work as substantively representative
institutions. Chinese local congressmen and women view
themselves and act as delegates, not Burkean trustees or
Leninist party agents. Second, this congressional
representation is not commonly expressed in the
quintessentially legislative activities familiar in other
regime types. Rather, it is an extra-legislative variant of
pork-barrel politics: parochial activity by delegates to
deliver targeted public goods to the geographic
constituency. Third, this authoritarian parochialism is due
to institutional arrangements and regime priorities, some
common to single-party dictatorships and some distinct to
Chinese authoritarianism.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0305741014000319},
Key = {fds318587}
}
@article{fds318595,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {How to assess village elections in China},
Journal = {Journal of Contemporary China},
Volume = {18},
Number = {60},
Pages = {379-383},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2009},
Month = {June},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560902770214},
Abstract = {In assessing Chinese village elections we must sort and
discriminate as we consult the 'mountain of evidence' that
has accumulated over the past two decades. We can find
anecdotal evidence to support practically any claim about
village democratization, but from such stories we can learn
nothing about the status, trends, or patterns of village
democratization. This article evaluates what we can learn
and have learned about grassroots democratization in the
Chinese countryside from nationally and locally
representative sample survey data. © 2009 Taylor &
Francis.},
Doi = {10.1080/10670560902770214},
Key = {fds318595}
}
@article{fds318596,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {An introduction to survey research on Chinese
politics},
Journal = {China Quarterly},
Volume = {196},
Number = {196},
Pages = {755-758},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2008},
Month = {December},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741008001100},
Abstract = {In a political environment that remains (at best) officially
sceptical about the enterprise, representative surveys on
Chinese politics have nevertheless grown substantially in
number in the past two decades: political scientists trained
and based outside mainland China conducted a mere two such
surveys in the 1980s, but the number increased more than
tenfold in the 1990s and continues to rise steadily. © The
China Quarterly, 2008.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0305741008001100},
Key = {fds318596}
}
@article{fds318597,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {When communist party candidates can lose, who wins?
Assessing the role of local people's congresses in the
selection of leaders in China},
Journal = {China Quarterly},
Volume = {195},
Number = {195},
Pages = {607-630},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2008},
Month = {September},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741008000799},
Abstract = {This article draws on Party and government documents,
Chinese-language books and articles, interviews and
firsthand observation, and electoral outcome data to
contribute to the emerging literature on the changing role
of people's congresses in mainland China. It focuses on the
crucially important but neglected relationship between local
congresses and local Communist Party committees in the
selection of congress and government leaders. It analyses
the 1995 reforms to Party regulations and the law, which
resulted in electoral losses of more than 17,000 Communist
Party candidates in the first set of elections after 1995.
It concludes that the reforms created the conditions for
local congress delegates to matter - and delegates
responded. More broadly, it concludes that congressional
assertiveness has significant (although not radical)
implications for the relationship between the congresses and
Party committees. The winners in the broader (not narrowly
electoral) sense of the term are both the congresses and the
ruling Communist Party, strengthened as an organization with
selection of leaders opened up to more players. © 2008 The
China Quarterly.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0305741008000799},
Key = {fds318597}
}
@article{fds318598,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Democracy, community, trust: The impact of elections in
rural China},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {39},
Number = {3},
Pages = {301-324},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2006},
Month = {April},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005280852},
Abstract = {This article systematically investigates the impact of
elections in rural China on a basic element of the
elite-mass relationship: beliefs of ordinary citizens that
their leaders are trustworthy. It analyzes data from two
surveys of randomly sampled villagers in the same 57
villages in 1990 and 1996, merged with a set of separately
collected data detailing features of elections in these
villages during the same period of time. The analyses take
advantage of uneven progress in grassroots democratization
and ask how variation in democratic electoral quality across
villages is associated with variation in changed views about
the probity (or venality) of local leaders. Results strongly
suggest that formal institutions of electoral democracy
matter: Designs that feature contestation and encourage
voter participation do better at promoting beliefs that
leaders are trustworthy. At the same time, results point to
the importance of informal community institutions of lineage
relationships. © 2006 Sage Publications.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414005280852},
Key = {fds318598}
}
@article{fds318599,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Chinese democratization in perspective: Electorates and
selectorates at the township level},
Journal = {China Quarterly},
Number = {163},
Pages = {764-782},
Year = {2000},
Month = {September},
Abstract = {The most recent round of township-level elections in China
began in mid-1998. By the end of the year, 24 provinces had
already completed elections at this level. In Chongqing
municipality, which acquired its provincial-level status in
1997, the election of people's congress delegates began in
October 1998. The entire electoral process at the township
level (election of more than 75,000 delegates and 8,000
congress and government leaders) was scheduled to be
completed in all 830 townships and 648 towns by the end of
February 1999. By law, the first meeting of delegates
elected to a local people's congress is convened within two
months of their election. To observe, within a week,
election of delegates to the township people's congress and
election of leaders by township people's congress delegates
required that our delegation visit localities at different
stages in the electoral processes. We first observed
grassroots elections of delegates in voting districts of
Changyuan town in Rongchang county. We then travelled to
Dazu county to observe the first session of the 14th
people's congress of Baoding town, at which delegates
elected leaders of their people's congress and government.
At our request, we were given access to original electoral
records for each voting district in Baoding, which allows
reconstruction of grassroots elections of delegates there.
We were also provided with the package of documents received
by each congress delegate. Of course a few districts and a
single town are not a representative sample of elections
that take place in some 45,000 Chinese towns and townships.
The account below is based on observations, interviews,
documents and reports from our delegation visit. Broader
conclusions are formed by placing field observations in the
context of existing knowledge about the Chinese cadre
management system.},
Key = {fds318599}
}
@article{fds318600,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Issues in Corruption Control in Post-Mao
China},
Journal = {Issues and Studies},
Volume = {34},
Number = {9},
Pages = {1-21},
Year = {1998},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {This article examines two issues in corruption control in
post-Mao China: a double standard of criminal justice and
the politicized pattern of anti-corruption enforcement in
the criminal justice system. The author makes two arguments:
First, despite the widely publicized principle that
officials, as communist party members, are held to a higher
standard of conduct than ordinary citizens, the criminal
justice system has still punished corrupt officials less
harshly than ordinary citizens who commit similar crimes.
Second, anti-corruption enforcement has followed patterns of
intensive campaigns that reflect shifts in political
attention at the top of the system. These two features have
undoubtedly contributed to public cynicism about the
official effort to control corruption and have, in turn,
hampered that effort.},
Key = {fds318600}
}
@article{fds318601,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Corruption by design: Bribery in Chinese enterprise
licensing},
Journal = {Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization},
Volume = {12},
Number = {1},
Pages = {167-195},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {1996},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.jleo.a023356},
Abstract = {This article analyzes as a game a common form of corruption
in Chinese bureaucracies: payment of bribes to officials for
a standard good that is not in fixed supply and to which
those paying bribes are, in principle, fully entitled.
Formal structures and informal expectations have been
identified through field research as features of
"institutional design" that indicate an asymmetric
information game. Bribery is derived as an equilibrium
solution in the game. Exercises in comparative statics
reveal the robustness of bribery when game parameter values
are altered to reflect changes in institutional design. The
exercises indicate that reducing corruption, in the sense of
reducing bribe sizes, is relatively unproblematic. To move
away entirely from corrupt equilibria, however, requires
very substantial changes in institutional design and may not
be feasible through changes in formal structures
alone.},
Doi = {10.1093/oxfordjournals.jleo.a023356},
Key = {fds318601}
}
@article{fds318602,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {The electoral connection in the Chinese countryside},
Journal = {American Political Science Review},
Volume = {90},
Number = {4},
Pages = {736-748},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1996},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945839},
Abstract = {A 1987 law established popularly elected milage committees
in the Chinese countryside. This article analyzes a unique
set of survey data to describe and explain the connection
between village leaders and those who choose them, in terms
of orientation to the role of the state in the economy. It
compares positions of village leaders with positions of
respondents sampled from their selectorates of
township-level leaders and electorates of ordinary
villagers. Results of multivariate regression analyses
indicate that: (1) village leaders are responsive to both
old and newly emerging constituencies, as reflected in
significant congruence between village leaders and their
selectorates above and electorates below; (2) congruence
between village leaders and their electorates is not
exclusively the result of shared local environment, informal
influence or socialization but is significantly associated
with the electoral process; and (3) the causal mechanism
underlying the electoral connection in the Chinese
countryside is the familiar one of voter
choice.},
Doi = {10.2307/2945839},
Key = {fds318602}
}
@article{fds318603,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Concepts and Methods Survey Research in the Study of
Contemporary China: Learning from Local Samples},
Journal = {The China Quarterly},
Volume = {139},
Pages = {741-765},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1994},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000043149},
Doi = {10.1017/S0305741000043149},
Key = {fds318603}
}
@article{fds318604,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Politics and Policy in Post-Mao Cadre Retirement},
Journal = {The China Quarterly},
Volume = {129},
Pages = {1-25},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1992},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000041205},
Doi = {10.1017/S0305741000041205},
Key = {fds318604}
}
@article{fds318605,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Policy Implementation In The People'S Republic Of China:
Authoritative Decisions Versus Individual
Interests},
Journal = {The Journal of Asian Studies},
Volume = {50},
Number = {2},
Pages = {253-279},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1991},
Month = {January},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057208},
Doi = {10.2307/2057208},
Key = {fds318605}
}
@article{fds318606,
Author = {Manion, M},
Title = {Cadre Recruitment and Management in the People's Republic of
China},
Journal = {Chinese Law & Government},
Volume = {17},
Number = {3},
Pages = {3-15},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {1984},
Month = {October},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/CLG0009-460917033},
Doi = {10.2753/CLG0009-460917033},
Key = {fds318606}
}
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