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Publications of Livia I. Schubiger    :chronological  alphabetical  combined listing:

%% Chapters in Books   
   Author = {Schubiger, L and Sulmont, D},
   Title = {Civil Wars and their Consequences: The Peruvian Armed
             Conflict in Comparative Perspective},
   Booktitle = {Politics after Violence Legacies of the Shining Path
             Conflict in Peru},
   Publisher = {University of Texas Press},
   Editor = {Soifer, H and Vergara, A},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {1477317317},
   Abstract = {This collection of original essays by leading international
             experts on Peruvian politics, society, and institutions
             explores the political and institutional consequences of
             Peru’s internal armed conflict in the long
   Key = {fds342320}

%% Journal Articles   
   Author = {Schubiger, LI},
   Title = {State violence and wartime civilian agency: Evidence from
   Journal = {Journal of Politics},
   Volume = {83},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {1383-1398},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {October},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711720},
   Abstract = {How civilians respond to political violence profoundly
             shapes conflict processes and the legacies of civil war. Yet
             influential patterns of wartime civilian agency remain
             strikingly unexplored. This study investigates how exposure
             to state violence influences the organization of ordinary
             citizens into civil defense forces, a common and
             consequential type of mobilization that is still poorly
             understood. I argue that state violence marked by direct and
             collective targeting promotes community-based armed
             mobilization through the mechanisms of signaling and the
             militarization of local governance in irregular civil war.
             The analysis focuses on the Peruvian armed conflict during
             the 1980s. Based on an instrumental variable and a
             difference-in-differences approach, the results suggest that
             communities victimized by state forces were more likely to
             rise up against the insurgents at later stages. These
             counterintuitive findings underscore the relevance and
             complexity of grassroots collective action during
   Doi = {10.1086/711720},
   Key = {fds357318}

   Author = {Osorio, J and Schubiger, LI and Weintraub, M},
   Title = {Legacies of Resistance: Mobilization Against Organized Crime
             in Mexico},
   Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
   Volume = {54},
   Number = {9},
   Pages = {1565-1596},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021989761},
   Abstract = {What are the legacies of armed resistance? Why do some
             communities engage in armed mobilization in response to
             violence, disorder, and insecurity, while others under very
             similar conditions do not? Focusing on mobilization against
             organized crime in contemporary Mexico, we argue that
             historical experiences of armed resistance can have lasting
             effects on local preferences, networks, and capacities,
             which can facilitate armed collective action under
             conditions of rampant insecurity in the long run.
             Empirically, we study the Cristero rebellion in the early
             20th century and grassroots anti-crime mobilization in
             Mexico during recent years. Using an instrumental variables
             approach, we show that communities that pushed back against
             state incursions almost a century earlier were more likely
             to rise up against organized crime in contemporary
   Doi = {10.1177/0010414021989761},
   Key = {fds355719}

   Author = {Dill, J and Schubiger, LI},
   Title = {Attitudes toward the Use of Force: Instrumental Imperatives,
             Moral Principles, and International Law},
   Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {65},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {612-633},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12635},
   Abstract = {What informs ordinary citizens' attitudes toward the use of
             force? Previous research identifies several key concerns in
             public opinion toward war, but does not directly evaluate
             the relative importance of these considerations. We
             articulate three distinct logics of war support—moral,
             legal, and instrumental—and use an experimental survey
             with 3,000 U.S. respondents to test how ordinary citizens
             make trade-offs among multiple competing imperatives
             relevant for decision making in war. Our design is the first
             to isolate to what extent substantive legal demands,
             instrumental military imperatives, and specific moral
             principles are reflected in respondents' preferences.
             Although all logics have some resonance, we find that
             respondents' preferences are remarkably consistent with
             several core demands of international law even though
             respondents are not told that the legality of the use of
             force is at stake. Only the imperative to minimize U.S.
             military casualties overwhelms both legal and
             moral demands.},
   Doi = {10.1111/ajps.12635},
   Key = {fds357383}

   Author = {Fjelde, H and Hultman, L and Schubiger, L and Cederman, LE and Hug, S and Sollenberg, M},
   Title = {Introducing the Ethnic One-Sided Violence
   Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
   Volume = {38},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {109-126},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219863256},
   Abstract = {This article introduces the Ethnic One-Sided Violence
             dataset (EOSV) that provides information on the ethnic
             identity of civilian victims of direct and deliberate
             killings by state and non-state actors from 1989 to 2013.
             The EOSV dataset disaggregates the civilian victims in the
             one-sided violence dataset from the Uppsala Conflict Data
             Program by identifying which ethnic group they belong to,
             using the list of politically relevant ethnic groups from
             the Ethnic Power Relations data. By providing information on
             the ethnic targets of violence, EOSV enables researchers to
             explore new questions about the logic and dynamics of
             violence against civilians.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0738894219863256},
   Key = {fds346973}

   Author = {Cederman, LE and Hug, S and Schubiger, LI and Villamil,
   Title = {Civilian Victimization and Ethnic Civil War},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {64},
   Number = {7-8},
   Pages = {1199-1225},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719898873},
   Abstract = {While many studies provide insights into the causes of
             wartime civilian victimization, we know little about how the
             targeting of particular segments of the civilian population
             affects the onset and escalation of armed conflict. Previous
             research on conflict onset has been largely limited to
             structural variables, both theoretically and empirically.
             Moving beyond these static approaches, this article assesses
             how the state-led targeting of specific ethnic groups
             affects the likelihood of ethnic conflict onset and the
             evolution of conflicts once they break out. Relying on a new
             data set with global coverage that captures the ethnic
             identity of civilian victims of targeted violence, we find
             evidence that the state-led civilian victimization of
             particular ethnic groups increases the likelihood that the
             latter become involved in ethnic civil war. We also find
             tentative, yet more nuanced, evidence that ethnic targeting
             by state forces affects the escalation of ongoing
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002719898873},
   Key = {fds348665}

   Author = {Steele, A and Schubiger, LI},
   Title = {Democracy and civil war: The case of Colombia},
   Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
   Volume = {35},
   Number = {6},
   Pages = {587-600},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {November},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218787780},
   Abstract = {We argue that scholarship on the Colombian civil war can
             fertilize the research program on political violence and
             democracy in two ways. First, the Colombian case
             demonstrates that the scholarly research agenda on electoral
             violence should expand to incorporate a broader focus on
             democratic institutions. In the context of an ongoing civil
             war, democratic reforms in Colombia had a substantial impact
             on the dynamics of wartime violence. Second, the Colombian
             case showcases an overlooked danger of decentralization
             that, if implemented under the wrong conditions, can
             facilitate the capture of democratic institutions by
             political and criminal armed groups. These insights have
             important implications for the study of wartime democratic
             governance and state-building relevant both for the peace
             process between the Colombian government and the FARC, and
             for cases beyond Colombia.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0738894218787780},
   Key = {fds338085}

   Author = {Osorio, J and Schubiger, LI and Weintraub, M},
   Title = {Disappearing dissent? Repression and state consolidation in
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {55},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {252-266},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318751035},
   Abstract = {Does violent repression strengthen the state? In this
             article we explore the legacies of repression by the Mexican
             government on subsequent patterns of state consolidation. We
             investigate how a particular form of state repression,
             forced disappearances of alleged leftist dissidents during
             the ‘Dirty War’, had path-dependent consequences for
             different dimensions of state capacity nearly 50 years
             later. To do so, we rely on data gathered from suppressed
             Mexican human rights reports of forced disappearances which,
             to our knowledge, have not been analyzed by social
             scientists before. Controlling for a rich set of
             pre-disappearances covariates we find that forced
             disappearances are positively correlated with contemporary
             measures of fiscal, territorial, and bureaucratic capacity.
             However, historical forced disappearances do not help the
             state to provide security, to consolidate its monopoly over
             the use of force, or to provide welfare-related public goods
             in the long run. Moreover, disappearances are negatively
             correlated with various measures of trust in the government.
             Forced disappearances committed by the state appear to have
             long-term yet heterogeneous effects on state
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343318751035},
   Key = {fds335631}

   Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Hug, S and Schubiger, LI and Wucherpfennig,
   Title = {International Conventions and Nonstate Actors: Selection,
             Signaling, and Reputation Effects},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {62},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {346-380},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {February},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716650924},
   Abstract = {Whether international humanitarian norms are respected
             during and after civil conflict depends on the behavior of
             both governments and nonstate actors (NSAs). However,
             international conventions on the protection of civilians
             generally do not address NSAs, as such conventions are open
             only to the representatives of states. In a pioneering
             initiative, the nongovernmental organization Geneva Call has
             started to address this problem by soliciting NSAs to sign
             “deeds of commitment” to ban particular activities
             violating humanitarian norms. Focusing on the case of
             antipersonnel mines, we examine why NSAs would choose to
             sign conventions that limit their autonomy, and whether such
             conventions can change the behavior of governments and
             nonstate armed groups. We propose a game-theoretic model of
             how the interaction between governments and NSAs shape their
             incentives to commit to and comply with international
             humanitarian norms. Our empirical evidence highlights the
             importance of these interdependencies between governments
             and NSAs in the realm of humanitarian engagements.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002716650924},
   Key = {fds335632}

   Author = {Schubiger, LI and Zelina, M},
   Title = {Ideology in Armed Groups},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {50},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {948-951},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {October},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096517001056},
   Doi = {10.1017/S1049096517001056},
   Key = {fds335633}

   Author = {Jentzsch, C and Kalyvas, SN and Schubiger, LI},
   Title = {Militias in Civil Wars},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {59},
   Number = {5},
   Pages = {755-769},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Editor = {Jentzsch, C and Kalyvas, SN and Schubiger, LI},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576753},
   Abstract = {Militias are an empirical phenomenon that has been
             overlooked by current research on civil war. Yet, it is a
             phenomenon that is crucial for understanding political
             violence, civil war, post-conflict politics, and
             authoritarianism. Militias or paramilitaries are armed
             groups that operate alongside regular security forces or
             work independently of the state to shield the local
             population from insurgents. We review existing uses of the
             term, explore the range of empirical manifestations of
             militias, and highlight recent findings, including those
             supplied by the articles in this special issue. We focus on
             areas where the recognition of the importance of militias
             challenges and complements current theories of civil war. We
             conclude by introducing a research agenda advocating the
             integrated study of militias and rebel groups.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002715576753},
   Key = {fds335634}

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