Publications of Erik Wibbels
%%
@article{fds361809,
Author = {Timoneda, JC and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Spikes and Variance: Using Google Trends to Detect and
Forecast Protests},
Journal = {Political Analysis},
Volume = {30},
Number = {1},
Pages = {1-18},
Year = {2022},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Google search is ubiquitous, and Google Trends (GT) is a
potentially useful access point for big data on many topics
the world over. We propose a new 'variance-in-time' method
for forecasting events using GT. By collecting multiple and
overlapping samples of GT data over time, our algorithm
leverages variation both in the mean and the variance of a
search term in order to accommodate some idiosyncracies in
the GT platform. To elucidate our approach, we use it to
forecast protests in the United States. We use data from the
Crowd Counting Consortium between 2017 and 2019 to build a
sample of true protest events as well as a synthetic control
group where no protests occurred. The model's out-of-sample
forecasts predict protests with higher accuracy than extant
work using structural predictors, high frequency event data,
or other sources of big data such as Twitter. Our results
provide new insights into work specifically on political
protests, while providing a general approach to GT that
should be useful to researchers of many important, if rare,
phenomena.},
Doi = {10.1017/pan.2021.7},
Key = {fds361809}
}
@article{fds362979,
Author = {Rains, E and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Informal Work, Risk, and Clientelism: Evidence from 223
Slums across India},
Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
Year = {2022},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Most of the poor in the developing world work in the
informal economy, that is, in occupations that take place
outside of the legal system of taxing, spending, and
regulating. This article examines how informal work impacts
the policy and electoral preferences of the poor. We
emphasize the importance of the risks inherent in informal
employment in shaping the responsiveness of citizens to
clientelism and their policy and voting preferences. Since
most informal workers are not covered by (formal) social
insurance, they prefer material goods and candidates that
produce targeted, clientelistic benefits rather than
programmatically delivered insurance that is unlikely to
reach them. As a result, we argue that informal workers are
more likely to rely on clientelistic relations as a means of
hedging risks than are formal workers; prefer policies that
are delivered clientelistically via political mediators
rather than programmatic solutions; and prefer clientelistic
over programmatic local candidates. Our findings elucidate
why the preferences of poor informal workers often diverge
from those assumed by standard models of social insurance
and have important implications for the political economy of
social policy in a world where billions work outside
work-based tax-transfer systems.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0007123422000011},
Key = {fds362979}
}
@article{fds355482,
Author = {Bland, G and Brinkerhoff, D and Romero, D and Wetterberg, A and Wibbels,
E},
Title = {Public Services, Geography, and Citizen Perceptions of
Government in Latin America},
Journal = {Political Behavior},
Year = {2021},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {One of the linchpins of democratic accountability runs
through service quality. Because citizens are sensitive to
the quality of basic services, they can translate
(dis)satisfaction into assessments of incumbent politicians.
Yet, although previous research has shown that both access
to, and the quality of, basic services decline in rural
settings, this seems not to translate into increased
dissatisfaction with incumbents. In this paper we seek to
understand why. We theorize four potential mechanisms that
might underpin the weaker accountability for poor service
outcomes in more remote settings. To test these mechanisms,
we use data from 34,514 geocoded survey respondents across
19 countries in Latin America. We show that the likelihood
of translating dissatisfaction with services into discontent
with elected officials decreases as distance to urban
centers increases. We find some evidence that a low sense of
political efficacy and deference to hierarchy mediate the
relationship between remoteness, service quality and
accountability. Nevertheless, some of the direct
relationship between distance and attitudes towards elected
officials persists in the face of our mediation analysis,
suggesting that more work needs to be done on the
relationship between remoteness, service quality and
accountability.},
Doi = {10.1007/s11109-021-09691-0},
Key = {fds355482}
}
@article{fds352567,
Author = {Krishna, A and Rains, E and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Negotiating Informality– Ambiguity, Intermediation, and a
Patchwork of Outcomes in Slums of Bengaluru},
Journal = {The Journal of Development Studies},
Volume = {56},
Number = {11},
Pages = {1983-1999},
Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
Year = {2020},
Month = {November},
Abstract = {In developing countries, procedural ambiguity due to
bureaucratic overlap and political discretion gives rise to
divergence between law and practice. In this context of
pervasive informality, it is important to consider how local
negotiations produce disparate outcomes. We examine these
local negotiations to explain how informal property rights
are acquired and how markets operate in the slums of
Bengaluru, India. Drawing on original interview and survey
data, we describe how at least 18 types of property
documents issued to urban slum residents can be ordered
along a tenure continuum. Intermediaries are required to
negotiate the opportunities that lie hidden within
ambiguity. A first set of political intermediaries helps
slum residents acquire property rights incrementally along
this continuum. A second set of intermediaries helps
facilitate informal housing transactions, keeping markets
liquid across the tenure continuum. The mechanics of
acquiring and transacting informal properties can differ
across cities and countries, but, across contexts,
intermediation helps negotiate informality.},
Doi = {10.1080/00220388.2020.1725483},
Key = {fds352567}
}
@article{fds348907,
Author = {Mosley, L and Paniagua, V and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Moving markets? Government bond investors and microeconomic
policy changes},
Journal = {Economics & Politics},
Volume = {32},
Number = {2},
Pages = {197-249},
Year = {2020},
Month = {July},
Abstract = {Do sovereign bond markets react systematically to
microeconomic policy reforms? Some observers suggest that
investors are very attentive to supply-side policies such as
those related to labor markets, corporate taxation, and
product standards. They argue that, along with macroeconomic
outcomes and broad financial market conditions, such reforms
affect sovereign bond premiums, for developed as well as
emerging economies. In contrast, we predict few systematic
effects of supply-side policy reforms on sovereign bond
market outcomes. Our theory draws on a standard
three-equation model of the economy, widely accepted among
economic and finance professionals. That model makes few
clear predictions regarding the anticipated effects of
microeconomic policy changes; as a result, we expect that
such reforms will not generate systematic market reactions.
Our analyses, based on daily data from 37 countries from
2004 to 2012, indeed reveal little evidence of a systematic
bond market reaction to the 47 most significant reforms to
corporate taxation and labor market regulation. These
results call into question the notion that “bond market
vigilantes” play a central role in compelling governments
to enact specific microeconomic policy changes.},
Doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12150},
Key = {fds348907}
}
@article{fds352500,
Author = {Tellez, JF and Wibbels, E and Krishna, A},
Title = {Local Order, Policing, and Bribes},
Journal = {World Politics},
Volume = {72},
Number = {3},
Pages = {377-410},
Year = {2020},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Day-to-day policing represents a fundamental interface
between citizens and states. Yet even in the most capable
states, local policing varies enormously from one community
to the next. The authors seek to understand this variation
and in doing so make three contributions: First, they
conceptualize communities and individuals as networks more
or less capable of demanding high-quality policing. Second,
they present original survey data and semistructured
interviews on local policing from over one hundred sixty
slums, eight thousand households, and one hundred seventy
informal neighborhood leaders in India that contribute to
the nascent empirical work on comparative policing and
order. Third, they find evidence that well-connected
individuals and densely connected neighborhoods express
greater confidence in and satisfaction with local policing.
Critically, these differences do not appear to be a function
of a lower propensity for local conflict but rather of an
increased capacity to leverage neighborhood leaders to
mediate relations with the police. The combination of
analytics and empirics in this article provides insight into
the conditions under which individuals and communities
experience the police as expropriators of rents or neutral
providers of order.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0043887120000064},
Key = {fds352500}
}
@article{fds341123,
Author = {Rains, E and Krishna, A and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Combining satellite and survey data to study Indian slums:
evidence on the range of conditions and implications for
urban policy},
Journal = {Environment and Urbanization},
Volume = {31},
Number = {1},
Pages = {267-292},
Year = {2019},
Month = {April},
Abstract = {Projections suggest that most of the global growth in
population in the next few decades will be in urban centres
in Asia and Africa. Most of these additional urban residents
will be concentrated in slums. However, government
documentation of slums is incomplete and unreliable, and
many slums remain undocumented. It is necessary to employ
creative methods to locate and sample these understudied
populations. We used satellite image analysis and fieldwork
to build a sample of Indian slums. We show that living
conditions vary along a wide-ranging continuum of wellbeing;
different points correspond to different policy needs. We
also show that most variation in conditions is due to
differences across rather than within neighbourhoods. These
findings have important implications for urban policy.
First, satellite data can be a useful tool to locate
undocumented settlements. Second, policy must be
appropriately nuanced to respond to wide-ranging needs.
Finally, variation patterns suggest that policies should be
targeted at the neighbourhood rather than the individual
level.},
Doi = {10.1177/0956247818798744},
Key = {fds341123}
}
@misc{fds354275,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {The social underpinnings of decentralized governance:
Networks, technology, and the future of social
accountability},
Pages = {14-39},
Booktitle = {Decentralized Governance and Accountability: Academic
Research and the Future of Donor Programming},
Year = {2019},
Month = {February},
ISBN = {9781108497909},
Doi = {10.1017/9781108615594.002},
Key = {fds354275}
}
@book{fds354276,
Author = {Rodden, JA and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Decentralized governance and accountability: Academic
research and the future of donor programming},
Pages = {1-300},
Year = {2019},
Month = {February},
ISBN = {9781108497909},
Abstract = {At the end of the twentieth century, academics and
policymakers welcomed a trend toward fiscal and political
decentralization as part of a potential solution for slow
economic growth and poor performance by insulated,
unaccountable governments. For the last two decades,
researchers have been trying to answer a series of vexing
questions about the political economy of multi-layered
governance. Much of the best recent research on
decentralization has come from close collaborations between
university researchers and international aid institutions.
As the volume and quality of this collaborative research
have increased in recent decades, the time has come to
review the lessons from this literature and apply them to
debates about future programming. In this volume, the
contributors place this research in the broader history of
engagement between aid institutions and academics,
particularly in the area of decentralized governance, and
outline the challenges and opportunities to link evidence
and policy action.},
Doi = {10.1017/9781108615594},
Key = {fds354276}
}
@misc{fds354274,
Author = {Rodden, JA and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Introduction},
Pages = {1-13},
Booktitle = {Decentralized Governance and Accountability: Academic
Research and the Future of Donor Programming},
Year = {2019},
Month = {February},
ISBN = {9781108497909},
Doi = {10.1017/9781108615594.001},
Key = {fds354274}
}
@misc{fds343512,
Author = {Gadiraju, KK and Vatsavai, RR and Kaza, N and Wibbels, E and Krishna,
A},
Title = {Machine learning approaches for slum detection using very
high resolution satellite images},
Journal = {Ieee International Conference on Data Mining Workshops,
Icdmw},
Volume = {2018-November},
Pages = {1397-1404},
Year = {2019},
Month = {February},
ISBN = {9781538692882},
Abstract = {Detecting informal settlements has become an important area
of research in the past decade, owing to the availability of
high resolution satellite imagery. Traditional per-pixel
based classification methods provide high degree of accuracy
in distinguishing primitive instances such as buildings,
roads, forests and water. However, these methods fail to
capture the complex relationships between neighboring pixels
that is necessary for distinguishing complex objects such as
informal and formal settlements. In this paper, we perform
several experiments to compare and contrast how various
per-pixel based classification methods, when combined with
various features perform in detecting slums. In addition, we
also explored a deep neural network, which showed better
accuracy than the pixel based methods.},
Doi = {10.1109/ICDMW.2018.00198},
Key = {fds343512}
}
@article{fds324428,
Author = {Brinkerhoff, DW and Wetterberg, A and Wibbels,
E},
Title = {Distance, services, and citizen perceptions of the state in
rural Africa},
Journal = {Governance},
Volume = {31},
Number = {1},
Pages = {103-124},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2018},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {In most poor countries, basic services in rural areas are
less accessible and of lower quality than those in urban
settings. In this article, we investigate the subnational
geography of service delivery and its relationship with
citizens' perceptions of their government by analyzing the
relationship between service access, satisfaction with
services and government, and the distance to urban centers
for more than 21,000 survey respondents across 17 African
countries. We confirm that access to services and service
satisfaction suffer from a spatial gradient. However,
distant citizens are less likely than their urban peers to
translate service dissatisfaction into discontent with their
government; distant citizens have more trust in government
and more positive evaluations of both local and national
officials. Our findings suggest that increasing
responsiveness and accountability to citizens as a means of
improving remote rural services may face more limits than
promoters of democratic governance and citizen-centered
accountability presume.},
Doi = {10.1111/gove.12271},
Key = {fds324428}
}
@article{fds331647,
Author = {Pierskalla, J and Schultz, A and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Order, distance, and local development over the
long-run},
Journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {12},
Number = {4},
Pages = {375-404},
Publisher = {Now Publishers},
Year = {2017},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {We argue that local, long-term exposure to a centralized
political authority determines sub-national patterns of
contemporary economic development. Older research on
economic development has focused on cross-national income
accounts, often ignoring the large sub-national variation in
income differences. Likewise, research on the effects of
political institutions on development has mostly neglected
sub-national variation in the institutional environment. Yet
a growing body of work shows that the geographic reach of
states within countries and their ability to foster economic
exchange have varied dramatically through history. We
contribute to recent research on sub-national development by
creating a new measure of local historical exposure to state
institutions that codes geographic distance to historical
capital cities and use highly spatially disaggregated data
on economic development, based on satellite data, to test
their relationship. We find clear evidence, using
fixedeffects estimations for both European and global data,
that local historical proximity to capital cities is
associated with higher levelsthrough a number of robustness
checks covering alternative measures, specifications, and
sensitivity analyses.},
Doi = {10.1561/100.00016020},
Key = {fds331647}
}
@article{fds318649,
Author = {Beramendi, P and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Globalization, public finance, and poverty},
Journal = {International Studies Review},
Volume = {17},
Number = {4},
Pages = {677-685},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2015},
Month = {December},
Abstract = {Global economic forces might impact poverty in any number of
direct ways by reducing prices, providing access to larger
pools of capital, or creating and destroying jobs. Such
forces might also work indirectly, that is, through their
effect on labor standards, unionization rates, or the
development of labor-saving technology. For countries with
greater fiscal capacity, there is a growing tension between
any potential desire for progressivity and the need to
compete for footloose capital. To the extent the latter
results in reliance on regressive tax expenditures,
globalization is likely to worsen the relative position of
the poor. Together, these points emphasize data challenges
inherent to establishing a causal relationship between
globalization and poverty. Taking incidence seriously has
important analytical implications for understanding the
political engagement by the poor in developed and developing
democracies. The government should replace broad and
probably insupportable claims on the effect of globalization
on pro-poor tax and expenditure policies with more careful
analyses of the actual incidence of fiscal
policy.},
Doi = {10.1111/misr.12270},
Key = {fds318649}
}
@article{fds318648,
Author = {Johnson, SL and Wibbels, E and Wilkinson, R},
Title = {Economic inequality is related to cross-national prevalence
of psychotic symptoms.},
Journal = {Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology},
Volume = {50},
Number = {12},
Pages = {1799-1807},
Year = {2015},
Month = {December},
Abstract = {<h4>Purpose</h4>A burgeoning literature documents robust
links of income inequality with the prevalence of
psychological disorders. The aim of this paper is to extend
this literature by examining the effects of cross-national
income inequality on prevalence of psychotic
symptoms.<h4>Method</h4>Analyses used archival data of
representative samples from 50 countries (N = 249,217).
Four types of psychotic symptoms were assessed using the
well-validated CIDI interview. We examined the effects of
Standardized World Income Inequality Database (SWIID)
measures of the concentration of income in the top
percentile of people and the Gini coefficient of income
inequality.<h4>Results</h4>Income inequality was
significantly correlated with the national prevalence of
hallucinations, delusions of thought control, and delusional
mood, and effects withstood control over national indices of
per capita income and regime type. Findings were also robust
to nonparametric bootstrapping.<h4>Conclusions</h4>Although
the cross-sectional design limits ability to claim
causality, income inequality appears important for
understanding psychotic symptoms.},
Doi = {10.1007/s00127-015-1112-4},
Key = {fds318648}
}
@misc{fds318650,
Author = {Rueda, D and Wibbels, E and Altamirano, M},
Title = {The origins of dualism},
Pages = {89-111},
Booktitle = {The Politics of Advanced Capitalism},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2015},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {9781107099869},
Abstract = {From Spain and Greece to Brazil and South Africa, dualized
labor markets are a worldwide phenomenon. In many countries,
workers are divided between those with permanent contracts
that include valuable benefits and extensive labor market
protections and those who work under contingent contracts or
no contracts at all. This latter group receives few or no
labor market protections and lower levels of social
benefits. They are the world’s labor market outsiders.
Recent research has suggested that this pool of outsiders
has important implications for the nature of democratic
politics in the twenty-first century, an argument that is
perfectly in line with the core idea of this book, namely,
that coalitional alignments among different labor market
groups are at the heart of postindustrial reform strategies.
Yet the extent of dualization varies hugely across
countries. Data on the size of the informal sector around
the world (from Schneider et al. 2010) show that while there
is clearly a negative association between the wealth of
societies and the extent of dualization, there is also huge
variation both within and across rich and developing
nations. In the OECD context, the process of dualization has
been linked to a number of political and economic processes:
increasing competition in manufacturing, the rise of the
service sector, the decline of unionization, political
choices by Left governments, and others. Echoes of these
arguments are present in work on developing countries, where
dualization is closely linked to the informal sector and has
received a lot of attention from economists and sociologists
(if not political scientists). Indeed, a long tradition of
models in development economics emphasize the stark income
and productivity gaps inherent in “dual economies” and
the uneven growth that characterizes broad swaths of the
developing world (Rosenstein-Rodan 1943; Ray 2010). Yet
while all of these arguments emphasize important features of
dualization, they often focus on the consequences rather
than the causes of labor market dualism.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316163245.004},
Key = {fds318650}
}
@article{fds250548,
Author = {Huntington, H and Wibbels, E},
Title = {The Geography of Governance in Africa: New Tools from
Satellites, Surveys and Mapping Initiatives},
Journal = {Regional and Federal Studies},
Volume = {24},
Number = {5},
Pages = {625-645},
Year = {2014},
Month = {October},
ISSN = {1359-7566},
Abstract = {Abstract: Research on decentralization in Africa and beyond
has made clear that the quality of decentralized governance
is highly variable across localities within countries. In
light of that variation, this article has three goals:
first, we critique existing academic research on the quality
of governance in light of work on decentralized governance
in Africa; second, we provide a conceptual map of how to
theorize subnational variation in the quality of governance
in settings characterized by considerable dependence on
higher authorities for revenues; and third, we outline a
series of data initiatives that offer the opportunity to
study local and regional politics in new and exciting ways
across the region. We conclude with great optimism about the
prospects for innovative work on decentralized governance
within countries across the region.},
Doi = {10.1080/13597566.2014.971774},
Key = {fds250548}
}
@article{fds318651,
Author = {Christensen, D and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Labor standards, labor endowments, and the evolution of
inequality},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {58},
Number = {2},
Pages = {362-379},
Year = {2014},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Proponents often recommend high labor standards as a means
of reducing inequality between and within countries.
Opponents suggest that labor standards exacerbate
international and domestic inequalities. In this paper, we
forward a simple argument whereby the impact of higher labor
standards on domestic inequality depends on a country's
labor endowment. We hypothesize that where labor is
abundant, higher standards will exacerbate inequality. Where
labor is scarce, higher labor standards might lower
inequality. In both cases, the impact of labor standards on
inequality work through an employment and wage effect. Using
newly available data on labor standards around the world
from 1981 to 2000, we provide evidence largely consistent
with our hypotheses. Higher labor standards do, indeed,
exacerbate inequality in labor-abundant economies. On the
other hand, higher labor standards lower inequality in
labor-scarce economies. We discuss the implications of these
findings for work on labor market insiders and outsiders as
well as the political economy of development. © 2013
International Studies Association.},
Doi = {10.1111/isqu.12066},
Key = {fds318651}
}
@article{fds250564,
Author = {Gift, T and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Reading, writing, and the regrettable status of education
research in comparative politics},
Journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
Volume = {17},
Number = {1},
Pages = {291-312},
Publisher = {ANNUAL REVIEWS},
Year = {2014},
Month = {January},
ISSN = {1094-2939},
Abstract = {Apart from some notable exceptions, education is regrettably
understudied in comparative politics. This paucity stems
from both a dearth of reliable data on schooling and the
fact that education raises analytical issues that fall
outside the typical domain of political scientists. In light
of education's crucial role in everything from citizen
attitudes to earnings to economic growth, we recommend that
political scientists pay more attention to education. In
particular, comparative researchers should shift from an
almost exclusive focus on average levels of schooling to
explaining the causes and consequences of educational
inequality. To that end, we provide a broad comparative
framework for analyzing the politics of education. In our
formulation, skill-biased technological change and factor
endowments condition the extent to which firms demand human
capital. The supply of skills is a function of the interests
and institutions that link voters and politicians. We
conclude by positing theoretical and empirical puzzles for
future research. Copyright © 2014 by Annual Reviews. All
rights reserved.},
Doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-080911-131426},
Key = {fds250564}
}
@article{fds220867,
Author = {E. Wibbels and T. Gift},
Title = {Reading, Writing, and the Regrettable State of Education
Research in Comparative Politics},
Journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
Year = {2014},
Key = {fds220867}
}
@book{fds250566,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Trade, Development and Social Insurance},
Year = {2014},
Key = {fds250566}
}
@article{fds318652,
Author = {Barber, B and Beramendi, P and Wibbels, E},
Title = {The Behavioral Foundations of Social Politics: Evidence from
Surveys and a Laboratory Democracy},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {46},
Number = {10},
Pages = {1155-1189},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2013},
Month = {October},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414012472467},
Key = {fds318652}
}
@article{fds250569,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Christensen, D},
Title = {Labor Standards, Trade and the Evolution of
Inequality},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Year = {2013},
Month = {April},
url = {http://people.duke.edu/~ew41/Research_files/ChristensenWibbels_ForWeb.pdf},
Key = {fds250569}
}
@article{fds250567,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Beramendi, P and Barber, B},
Title = {The Behavioral Foundations of Social Policy: Risk and
Redistribution in a Laboratory Democracy},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Year = {2013},
Month = {February},
url = {http://people.duke.edu/~ew41/Research_files/behavioral%20foundations%20revised.pdf},
Abstract = {Winner of the Fiona McGillivray Award for Best APSA Paper in
Political Econom},
Key = {fds250567}
}
@article{fds220872,
Author = {E. Wibbels and M. Ward and F. Hollenbach},
Title = {State Building and the Geography of Governance},
Journal = {International Organization},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds220872}
}
@article{fds220871,
Author = {E. Wibbels and P. Beramendi},
Title = {Foundational Bargains: Distributive Conflicts and
Representation in the Birth of Federations},
Journal = {Economics and Politics},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds220871}
}
@misc{fds250558,
Author = {Rueda, D and Wibbels, E and Altamirano, M},
Title = {The Origins of Dualization},
Booktitle = {The Future of Democratic Capitalism},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds250558}
}
@article{fds250563,
Author = {Wibbels, E and McGee, H},
Title = {The Geography of Governance in Africa: Recent Evidence from
Satellites, Field Experiments and Other New
Sources},
Journal = {Federal and Regional Studies},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds250563}
}
@article{fds348988,
Author = {Christensen, D and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Labor Standards, Labor Endowments, and the Evolution of
Inequality},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Year = {2013},
Key = {fds348988}
}
@article{fds318653,
Author = {Ahlquist, JS and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Riding the Wave: World Trade and Factor-Based Models of
Democratization},
Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {56},
Number = {2},
Pages = {447-464},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2012},
Month = {April},
Abstract = {Studies of "waves" of regime change, in which large numbers
of countries experience similar political transitions at
roughly similar periods of time, though once popular, have
fallen from favor. Replacing the "third wave" arguments are
several competing models relating domestic social
structure-specifically, the distribution of income and
factor ownership-to regime type. If any of these
distributive models of regime type is correct, then global
trade has an important explanatory role to play. Under
factor-based models, changes in the world trading system
will have systematic effects on regime dynamics. Trade
openness determines labor's factor income and ultimately its
political power. As world trade expands and contracts,
countries with similar labor endowments should experience
similar regime pressures at the same time. We propose a
novel empirical specification that addresses the endogeneity
and data-quality problems plaguing previous efforts to
examine these arguments. We investigate the conditional
impact of the global trading system on democratic
transitions across 130 years and all of the states in the
international system. Our findings cast doubt on the utility
of factor-based models of democratization, despite their
importance in fueling renewed interest in the topic. ©
2012, Midwest Political Science Association.},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00572.x},
Key = {fds318653}
}
@article{fds250568,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Ward, M and Hollenbach, F},
Title = {The Geography of Governance: Evidence from Satellite
Imagery},
Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
Year = {2012},
Key = {fds250568}
}
@article{fds250570,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Beramendi, P},
Title = {The Political Geography of Constitutional
Choice},
Journal = {Public Choice},
Year = {2012},
Key = {fds250570}
}
@article{fds250573,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Ahlquist, J},
Title = {Inequality, Factor Prices and Political Regimes},
Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
Pages = {447-464},
Year = {2012},
url = {http://people.duke.edu/~ew41/Research_files/AhlquistWibbelsRidingTheWaveJune2011_forweb.pdf},
Abstract = {Winner of the AJPS Best Article Award},
Key = {fds250573}
}
@article{fds318654,
Author = {Rodden, J and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Dual accountability and the nationalization of party
competition: Evidence from four federations},
Journal = {Party Politics},
Volume = {17},
Number = {5},
Pages = {629-653},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2011},
Month = {September},
Abstract = {This paper assesses the extent to which party systems are
nationalized in four federations. In doing so, the research
addresses two questions. First, is dual accountability
operational across decentralized countries, or do
sub-national voters turn to national cues as a means to
economize in a complex information environment? By bringing
a cross-national dataset to bear on this question, we are
able to provide insight into where and why dual
accountability might operate. Second, what explains
variation in the extent to which party systems are
nationalized across countries and time? We build on previous
literature to suggest a number of factors likely to impact
the extent of nationalization. We examine those factors in
the context of provincial-level elections in Argentina,
Canada, Germany and the United States. Using national and
sub-national economic data, we find little evidence of dual
accountability in any of our countries. We find that
economic performance matters little for regional electoral
outcomes, and where it does, sub-national outcomes reflect
national rather than sub-national conditions. More important
are the roles of partisan relations across levels of
government and election timing. Sub-national co-partisans of
the nationally governing party lose votes, particularly as
the time from the most recent national election grows. The
strength of these effects varies across our cases in
predictable ways. © The Author(s) 2010.},
Doi = {10.1177/1354068810376182},
Key = {fds318654}
}
@article{fds250574,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Ahlquist, JS},
Title = {Development, Trade, and Social Insurance},
Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
Volume = {55},
Number = {1},
Pages = {125-149},
Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
Year = {2011},
Month = {March},
ISSN = {0020-8833},
url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000288076100006&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
Abstract = {Developing countries vary dramatically in the amount they
spend on social insurance. We establish a theoretical
framework linking autarkic post-World War II economic
development strategies with the emergence of insurance-based
social policies. We argue that a government's choice of
development strategy is conditioned by the size of the
domestic market, relative abundance of labor, and land
inequality in the context of a closed international trading
system. The development strategy in turn shapes the fiscal
priority governments place on social insurance. Contrary to
the compensation hypothesis prominent in studies of the rich
democracies, protectionist countries emphasize social
insurance. Empirical analysis finds support for our
argument. The results suggest that economic policies in the
1950s, 1960s, and 1970s had important implications for the
emergence and current contours of social policy in the
developing world. These differences in priorities swamp
recent within-country changes. © 2011 International Studies
Association.},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00638.x},
Key = {fds250574}
}
@article{fds250571,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Rodden, J},
Title = {The Nationalization of Elections},
Journal = {Party Politics},
Volume = {17},
Number = {September},
Pages = {629-654},
Year = {2011},
Key = {fds250571}
}
@article{fds250572,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Goldberg, E},
Title = {The Geography of Natural Resources and Development."},
Journal = {World Politics},
Year = {2011},
Key = {fds250572}
}
@article{fds250579,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Roberts, K},
Title = {The Politics of Economic Crisis in Latin
America},
Journal = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
Volume = {45},
Number = {4},
Pages = {383-409},
Publisher = {Springer Nature},
Year = {2010},
Month = {December},
ISSN = {0039-3606},
url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000284424200001&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
Abstract = {Researchers widely recognize that economic crises have
important political consequences, yet there is little
systematic research on the political factors that make
nations more or less susceptible to economic crisis.
Scholars have long debated the economic consequences of
party systems, executive powers, and societal interest
groups, but their relationships to crisis proclivity are
poorly understood. We assess the political correlates of
economic crisis using a cross-sectional time-series analysis
of 17 Latin American countries over nearly three decades.
Crises are measured along two dimensions-depth and
duration-and disaggregated into three types: inflationary,
GDP, and fiscal crises. Statistical results suggest that
political institutions have a modest, and often unexpected,
correlation with crises. More important than institutional
attributes are social organization and the nature of
party-society linkages, particularly the existence of a
densely-organized trade union movement and/or a powerful
leftist party. Strong unions and powerful parties of the
left are associated with more severe economic crises, though
there is some evidence that the combination of left-labor
strength can alleviate inflationary crises. The results
demonstrate the need to disaggregate the concept of economic
crisis and incorporate the societal dimension when studying
the political economy of crisis and reform. © 2010 Springer
Science+Business Media, LLC.},
Doi = {10.1007/s12116-010-9072-x},
Key = {fds250579}
}
@article{fds318655,
Author = {Rodden, J and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Fiscal decentralization and the business cycle: An empirical
study of seven federations},
Journal = {Economics & Politics},
Volume = {22},
Number = {1},
Pages = {37-67},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2010},
Month = {March},
Abstract = {Although fiscal policies of central governments sometimes
provide modest insurance against regional income shocks,
this paper shows that procyclical fiscal policy among
provincial governments can easily overwhelm these
stabilizing effects. We examine the cyclicality of budget
items among provincial governments in seven federations,
showing that own-source taxes are generally highly
procyclical, and contrary to common wisdom, revenue sharing
and discretionary transfers are either acyclical or
procyclical. Constituent governments are thus left alone to
smooth their own shocks, and we document the extent to which
various restraints on borrowing and saving undermine their
ability to do so. The resulting procyclicality of provincial
fiscal policy is likely to have important implications in a
world where demands for countercyclical fiscal policy are
increasing but considerable fiscal responsibilities are
being devolved to subnational governments. © 2009 Blackwell
Publishing Ltd.},
Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2009.00350.x},
Key = {fds318655}
}
@article{fds250580,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Cores, peripheries, and contemporary political
economy},
Journal = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
Volume = {44},
Number = {4},
Pages = {441-449},
Publisher = {Springer Nature},
Year = {2009},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {0039-3606},
url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000270192200009&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
Abstract = {This note underscores the need for more precise causal
theories linking the international division of labor,
national economies, and public policies. To that end, the
author recommends two literatures upon which a revised
dependency theory might build, namely, those on economic
geography and the political economy of redistribution. ©
Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009.},
Doi = {10.1007/s12116-009-9044-1},
Key = {fds250580}
}
@misc{fds250561,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {A Federal Bailout for the States},
Journal = {San Diego Tribune, Detroit Free Press, Raleigh News and
Observer},
Year = {2009},
Month = {January},
Key = {fds250561}
}
@misc{fds250560,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Pierskalla, J},
Title = {Natural Resources and Human Development in the American
States},
Year = {2009},
Key = {fds250560}
}
@misc{fds250559,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {The Geography of Peace and Violence in Iraq},
Journal = {The News and Observer},
Year = {2008},
Month = {August},
Key = {fds250559}
}
@book{fds309883,
Author = {E. Wibbels and J. Caporaso and S. Wilkinson and H.
Kitschelt},
Title = {Research Frontiers in Comparative Politics: A Special Issue
of Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {41},
Number = {4/5},
Booktitle = {special edited volume of the journal Comparative Political
Studies},
Editor = {Wibbels, E and Caporaso, J and Wilkinson, S and Kitschelt,
H},
Year = {2008},
Month = {May},
Key = {fds309883}
}
@article{fds318656,
Author = {Caporaso, JA and Kitschelt, HP and Wibbels, EM and Wilkinson,
SI},
Title = {Fortieth anniversary issue},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {41},
Number = {4-5},
Pages = {405-411},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2008},
Month = {April},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414007313252},
Key = {fds318656}
}
@article{fds318657,
Author = {Goldberg, E and Wibbels, E and Mvukiyehe, E},
Title = {Lessons from strange cases: Democracy, development, and the
resource curse in the U.S. States},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {41},
Number = {4-5},
Pages = {477-514},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2008},
Month = {April},
Abstract = {The work linking natural resource wealth to authoritarianism
and under-development suffers from several shortcomings. In
this article, the authors outline those shortcomings and
address them in a new empirical setting. Using a new data
set for the U.S. states spanning 73 years and case studies
of Texas and Louisiana, the authors are able to more
carefully examine both the diachronic nature and comparative
legs of the resource curse hypothesis than previous research
has. They provide evidence that natural resource dependence
contributes to slower economic growth, poorer developmental
performance, and less competitive politics. Using this
empirical setting, they also begin parsing the mechanisms
that might explain the negative association between resource
wealth and political and economic development. They draw
implications from intranational findings for resource
abundant countries across the world and suggest directions
for future cross-national and cross-state work. © 2008 Sage
Publications.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414007313123},
Key = {fds318657}
}
@article{fds318658,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {No method to the comparative politics madness},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {40},
Number = {1},
Pages = {39-44},
Year = {2007},
Month = {January},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414006294817},
Key = {fds318658}
}
@article{fds318659,
Author = {Bakke, KM and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Diversity, disparity, and civil conflict in federal
states},
Journal = {World Politics},
Volume = {59},
Number = {1},
Pages = {1-50},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2006},
Month = {October},
Abstract = {Policymakers and scholars have turned their attention to
federalism as a means for managing conflicts between central
governments and subnational interests. But both the
theoretical literature and the empirical track record of
federations make for opposing conclusions concerning
federalism's ability to prevent civil conflict. This article
argues that the existing literature falls short on two
accounts: first, it lacks a systematic comparison of
peaceful and conflict-ridden cases across federal states,
and second, while some studies acknowledge that there is no
one-size-fits-all federal solution, the conditional
ingredients of peace-preserving federalism have not been
theorized. The authors make the argument that the
peace-preserving effect of specific federal traits - fiscal
decentralization, fiscal transfers, and political
copartisanship - are conditional on a society's income level
and ethnic composition. The argument is tested across
twenty-two federal states from 1978 to 2000.},
Doi = {10.1353/wp.2007.0013},
Key = {fds318659}
}
@article{fds250575,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Madison in Baghdad? Decentralization and federalism in
comparative politics},
Journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
Volume = {9},
Number = {1},
Pages = {165-188},
Publisher = {ANNUAL REVIEWS},
Year = {2006},
Month = {July},
ISSN = {1094-2939},
url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000238980300010&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
Abstract = {Research on comparative decentralization and federalism is a
booming industry. Recent research integrates insights from
political science, economics, and economic history in
emphasizing the importance of incentives for the operation
of decentralized government. Such work has focused
particular attention on fiscal, representative, and party
institutions. In reviewing the past decade's research, I
make two arguments. First, the comparative research on
decentralization and federalism provides a model for how
comparative politics can address some of the most profound
questions in social thought by focusing on a theoretically
and empirically tractable aspect of governance. Second,
although the research addresses many of the key questions in
comparative politics, it also struggles with some of the
same problems and challenges as comparative politics writ
large, particularly the issue of institutional endogeneity.
Attention to endogeneity is central to better understanding
the workings of decentralized governments and providing less
facile policy recommendations for the reform of places as
diverse as the United States and Iraq.},
Doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170504},
Key = {fds250575}
}
@article{fds250576,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Dependency revisited: International markets, business
cycles, and social spending in the developing
world},
Journal = {International Organization},
Volume = {60},
Number = {2},
Pages = {433-468},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2006},
Month = {April},
ISSN = {0020-8183},
url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000237364900005&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
Abstract = {While increased exposure to the global economy is associated
with increased welfare effort in the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the opposite
holds in the developing world. These differences are
typically explained with reference to domestic politics.
Tradables, unions, and the like in the developing world are
assumed to have less power or interests divergent to those
in the OECD-interests that militate against social spending.
I claim that such arguments can be complemented with a
recognition that developed and developing nations have
distinct patterns of integration into global markets. While
income shocks associated with international markets are
quite modest in the OECD, they are profound in developing
nations. In the OECD, governments can respond to those
shocks by borrowing on capital markets and spending
countercyclically on social programs. No such opportunity
exists for most governments in the developing world, most of
which have limited access to capital markets in tough times,
more significant incentives to balance budgets, and as a
result cut social spending at the times it is most needed.
Thus, while internationally inspired volatility and income
shocks seem not to threaten the underpinnings of the welfare
state in rich nations, it undercuts the capacity of
governments in the developing world to smooth consumption
(and particularly consumption by the poor) across the
business cycle. © 2006 by The IO Foundation.},
Doi = {10.1017/S0020818306060139},
Key = {fds250576}
}
@misc{fds250557,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Rodden, J},
Title = {Business Cycles and the Political Economy of Decentralized
Finance: Lessons for Fiscal Federalism in the
E.U.},
Booktitle = {Fiscal Policy Surveillance in Europe},
Editor = {Wierts, D and Flores, and Turrini},
Year = {2006},
Key = {fds250557}
}
@article{fds250577,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Bakke, K},
Title = {Regional Inequality, Ethnic Diversity, and Conflict in
Federal States},
Journal = {World Politics},
Volume = {October},
Pages = {1-50},
Year = {2006},
Key = {fds250577}
}
@article{fds348989,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Book Review: Designing Federalism: A Theory of
Self-Sustainable Federal Institutions},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {38},
Number = {4},
Pages = {446-450},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2005},
Month = {May},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414004273207},
Key = {fds348989}
}
@book{fds318660,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Federalism and the market: Intergovernmental conflict and
economic reform in the developing world},
Pages = {1-276},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2005},
Month = {January},
ISBN = {0521843812},
Abstract = {This book, first published in 2005, develops a comparative
model of intergovernmental bargaining to account for
variation in the capacity of federations in the developing
world to undertake economic policy reform, suggesting that
many market reform policies are a function of a constant
process of bargaining between national and regional leaders
struggling for political survival. As the degree of
national-regional disagreement mounts, collective action on
reforms that require implementation at multiple levels of
government becomes more difficult. The degree to which the
two factors conflict depends on four factors: the individual
electoral interests, a shared intergovernmental fiscal
system, the manner in which regional interests are
represented in national policy making and the levers of
partisan influence national leaders have over subnational
politicians. In testing the argument with a combination of
cross-sectional time-series and case study analysis, this
book contributes to the broad literatures on development and
the comparative political economy of federalism and
decentralization.},
Doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511510441},
Key = {fds318660}
}
@article{fds250556,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Decentralized Governance, Constitution Formation, and
Redistribution},
Journal = {Constitutional Political Economy},
Volume = {16},
Number = {2},
Pages = {161-188},
Publisher = {Springer-Verlag},
Year = {2005},
ISSN = {1572-9966},
Abstract = {What determines the relative strength of central and
regional governments? Why do centers engage in more or less
geographically based economic redistribution? And why do
some centers redistribute from urban to rural areas while
others do the opposite? This research answers these
questions with reference to decentralized politics at key
constitutional moments. Much contemporary research
underscores the importance of the intergovernmental balance
of power - be it in taxing authority or decision making
autonomy - on economic outcomes. Many features of that
balance are rooted in bargains struck at the time of
constitution writing. Here, I suggest that the key
ingredients in such bargains are the number of conflicting
geographically salient factor endowments, the distribution
of inter-regional inequality, and the degree of intra-state
inequality within rural and urban regions. The greater the
level of factoral conflict, the more elites who engage in
constitutional negotiations are likely to constrain the
central government by providing for substantial regional
veto authority. Higher levels of inter-regional inequality
heighten demands for inter-regional redistribution. Given
some level of regional demand for central redistribution,
whether its net effect is in favor of urban or rural regions
will depend on the coalitional implications of inequality
within regions. I examine the argument in light of the U.S.,
Argentine, and Indian processes of constitution formation.
© 2005 Springer Science+Business Media,
Inc.},
Doi = {10.1007/s10602-005-2234-6},
Key = {fds250556}
}
@book{fds250565,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Federalism and the Market},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
Year = {2005},
Key = {fds250565}
}
@article{fds318661,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Bailouts, budget constraints, and leviathans comparative
federalism and lessons from the early United
States},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {36},
Number = {5},
Pages = {475-508},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2003},
Month = {June},
Abstract = {Recent research on federations, particularly in the
developing world, emphasizes the importance of hard budget
constraints and a strong central government to attenuate
intergovernmental economic conflicts. Such research fails on
two counts. First, it does not explain how hard budget
constraints emerge or become self-enforcing. Second, it does
not take into account the insight of the market-preserving
federalism literature that central governments strong enough
to impose restraint on regions are likely too powerful to be
checked in a manner consistent with the long-term health of
markets. Unfortunately, the market-preserving federalism
literature itself provides little insight into how to move
from a market-distorting to a market-preserving equilibrium.
This article answers these theoretical shortcomings with
reference to the evolution of political competition at the
regional level and the representation of those regions at
the national level. More specifically, whereas regional
competition determines the subnational demand for soft
budget constraints, the coalition of those regions at the
national level determines the likelihood of their provision.
Empirically, the research relies on a case study of the
state debt crisis of the 1840s when the United States made a
definitive movement toward market-preserving
federalism.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414003036005001},
Key = {fds318661}
}
@article{fds318662,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Arce, M},
Title = {Globalization, taxation, and burden-shifting in Latin
America},
Journal = {International Organization},
Volume = {57},
Number = {1},
Pages = {111-136},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2003},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Most researchers interested in the relationship between
global markets and public policy focus on advanced
industrial democracies. In contrast, we examine competing
hypotheses as 10 globalization's effect on governments by
expanding the scope of the discussion to include developing
nations. More specifically, we investigate the relationship
between international market integration and the evolving
burden of taxation on capital, as well as the subsequent
response of markets to shifts in tax policy in Latin America
since the late 1970s. Consistent with our theoretical
expectations, we find that global market forces are more
constraining vis-à-vis tax policy in Latin America than in
the world's wealthiest nations. Despite these market-based
pressures, however, national politics continue to influence
tax policy in Latin America in a manner consistent with
findings on advanced industrial democracies. As such,
developing nations continue to have some room to manipulate
policy, though within the context of a more strictly
neoliberal context than their counter-parts in advanced
industrial democracies.},
Doi = {10.1017/s0020818303571041},
Key = {fds318662}
}
@article{fds250554,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Arce, M},
Title = {Globalization, Taxation, and Burden-Shifting in Latin
America},
Journal = {International Organization},
Volume = {57},
Number = {01},
Pages = {111-136},
Year = {2003},
Abstract = {Most researchers interested in the relationship between
global markets and public policy focus on advanced
industrial democracies. In contrast, we examine competing
hypotheses as to globalization's effect on governments by
expanding the scope of the discussion to include developing
nations. More specifically, we investigate the relationship
between international market integration and the evolving
burden of taxation on capital, as well as the subsequent
response of markets to shifts in tax policy in Latin America
since the late 1970s. Consistent with our theoretical
expectations, we find that global market forces are more
constraining vis-à-vis tax policy in Latin America than in
the world's wealthiest nations. Despite these market-based
pressures, however, national politics continue to influence
tax policy in Latin America in a manner consistent with
findings on advanced industrial democracies. As such,
developing nations continue to have some room to manipulate
policy, though within the context of a more strictly
neoliberal context than their counterparts in advanced
industrial democracies.},
Key = {fds250554}
}
@article{fds250555,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Bailouts, Budget Constraints, and Leviathans: Comparative
Federalism and Lessons from the Early US},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Pages = {475-508},
Year = {2003},
Key = {fds250555}
}
@article{fds250553,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Rodden, J},
Title = {Beyond the Fiction of Federalism: Macroeconomic Management
in Multitiered Systems},
Journal = {World Politics},
Pages = {494-531},
Year = {2002},
Month = {July},
Key = {fds250553}
}
@article{fds318663,
Author = {Rodden, J and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Beyond the fiction of federalism microeconomic management in
multitiered systems},
Journal = {World Politics},
Volume = {54},
Number = {4},
Pages = {494-531},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {2002},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Recent research on federalism is extremely divided. While
some tout the benefits of "market-preserving" federalism,
others point to the fragmentation and incoherence of policy
in federal states. This research bridges the divide by
analyzing the political and fiscal structures that are
likely to account for the highly divergent economic
experiences of federal systems around the world. To test
these propositions, the authors use an original data set to
conduct analyses of budget balance and inflation in fifteen
federations around the world from 1978 through 1996. The
empirical research suggests that the level of fiscal
decentralization, the nature of intergovernmental finance,
and vertical partisan relations all influence macroeconomic
outcomes. The findings have broad implications for the
widespread move toward greater decentralization and for the
theoretical literatures on federalism and
macroeconomics.},
Doi = {10.1353/wp.2002.0016},
Key = {fds318663}
}
@article{fds250552,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Federal Politics and Market Reform in the Developing
World},
Journal = {Studies and Comparative and International
Development},
Volume = {36},
Pages = {27-53},
Year = {2001},
Month = {September},
Key = {fds250552}
}
@article{fds348990,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Aguilar, EE},
Title = {Book Reviews},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {34},
Number = {3},
Pages = {328-334},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2001},
Month = {April},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414001034003005},
Key = {fds348990}
}
@article{fds348991,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of
Democratization: The Case of Brazil. Scott P.
Mainwaring},
Journal = {Journal of Politics},
Volume = {63},
Number = {1},
Pages = {341-342},
Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
Year = {2001},
Month = {February},
Doi = {10.1086/jop.63.1.2691926},
Key = {fds348991}
}
@article{fds318664,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Federal politics and market reform in the developing
world},
Journal = {Studies in Comparative International Development},
Volume = {36},
Number = {2},
Pages = {27-53},
Publisher = {Springer Nature},
Year = {2001},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Prior research on the politics of market reform in
developing nations has generally ignored the significant
role of federal political and economic arrangements in
shaping adjustment processes. In contrast, this research
develops a model of macroeconomic reform that accounts for
the significance of subnational economic policy in the
developing world's nine major federations. I examine five
hypotheses which are expected to influence the capacity of
developing federations to conduct policy consistent with the
exigencies of market pressures. With the use of a
cross-sectional time-series analysis of fiscal and monetary
policies, I show that the policy divergence between levels
of government shrinks when provincial governments have
greater fiscal power and there are high degrees of party
centralization across levels of government. These findings
have important implications for the political economy of
market reform, the widespread move toward fiscal
decentralization, and the design of regional supranational
institutions.},
Doi = {10.1007/BF02686208},
Key = {fds318664}
}
@article{fds250550,
Author = {Remmer, KL and Wibbels, E},
Title = {The subnational politics of economic adjustment: Provincial
politics and fiscal performance in Argentina},
Journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
Volume = {33},
Number = {4},
Pages = {419-451},
Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
Year = {2000},
Month = {January},
ISSN = {1552-3829},
Abstract = {Existing research has failed to address the impact of
subnational politics on economic adjustment. This article
attempts to fill this gap by outlining theoretical reasons
for anticipating policy divergences across levels of
government and by offering three hypotheses to account for
variation at the subnational level. The authors explore
these ideas on the basis of the Argentine experience. The
study traces the impact of subnational policy on Argentine
economic adjustment and tests hypotheses about subnational
policy variation on the basis of provincial fiscal data. The
authors' findings underline the importance of subnational
policy choice for national performance and suggest a revised
understanding of the role of political competition in the
economic adjustment process. The authors find considerable
evidence that interactions between party competition and the
structure of the public sector shape provincial fiscal
performance and thereby condition the capacity for economic
adjustment at the national level.},
Doi = {10.1177/0010414000033004001},
Key = {fds250550}
}
@article{fds250551,
Author = {Wibbels, E},
Title = {Federalism and the politics of macroeconomic policy and
performance},
Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
Volume = {44},
Number = {4},
Pages = {687-702},
Publisher = {WILEY},
Year = {2000},
Month = {January},
ISSN = {1540-5907},
Abstract = {Using economic data for the period between 1979 and 1995 for
forty-six large federal and unitary developing nations, I
analyze the impact of political federalism in the developing
world on a number of measures of national economic
adjustment, volatility, and crisis. The findings suggest
that federalism in the ten nations where it operates has, as
theoretically predicted, a negative effect on macroeconomic
performance and reform. I argue that the macroeconomic and
fiscal imbalances experienced by these federal nations are,
in part, structurally determined by their devolved political
and fiscal institutions that create incentives for
subnational governments to avoid the political costs of
fiscal adjustment.},
Doi = {10.2307/2669275},
Key = {fds250551}
}
@article{fds303791,
Author = {Wibbels, E and Roberts, K},
Title = {Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Latin America: A
Test of Economic, Institutional, and Structural
Explorations},
Journal = {American Political Science Review},
Volume = {33},
Number = {03},
Pages = {575-590},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1999},
Month = {September},
ISSN = {1537-5943},
Key = {fds303791}
}
@misc{fds318665,
Author = {Roberts, KM and Wibbels, E},
Title = {Party systems and electoral volatility in Latin America: A
test of economic, institutional, and structural
explanations},
Journal = {American Political Science Review},
Volume = {93},
Number = {3},
Pages = {575-590},
Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
Year = {1999},
Month = {January},
Abstract = {Three different theoretical explanations are tested for the
exceptionally high level of electoral volatility found in
contemporary Latin America: economic voting, institutional
characteristics of political regimes and party systems, and
the structure and organization of class cleavages. A pooled
cross-sectional time-series regression analysis is conducted
on 58 congressional elections and 43 presidential elections
in 16 Latin American countries during the 1980s and 1990s.
Institutional variables have the most consistent effect on
volatility, while the influence of economic performance is
heavily contingent upon the type of election and whether the
dependent variable is operationalized as incumbent vote
change or aggregate electoral volatility. The results
demonstrate that electoral volatility is a function of
short-term economic perturbations, the institutional
fragilities of both democratic regimes and party systems,
and relatively fluid cleavage structures.},
Doi = {10.2307/2585575},
Key = {fds318665}
}