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Publications of D. Sunshine Hillygus    :chronological  alphabetical  combined listing:

%% Books   
@book{fds348530,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Shields, TG},
   Title = {The Persuadable Voter: Wedge Issues in Presidential
             Campaigns},
   Pages = {1-249},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {April},
   ISBN = {9780691143361},
   Abstract = {The use of wedge issues such as abortion, gay marriage, and
             immigration has become standard political strategy in
             contemporary presidential campaigns. Why do candidates use
             such divisive appeals? Who in the electorate is persuaded by
             these controversial issues? And what are the consequences
             for American democracy? In this provocative and engaging
             analysis of presidential campaigns, Sunshine Hillygus and
             Todd Shields identify the types of citizens responsive to
             campaign information, the reasons they are responsive, and
             the tactics candidates use to sway these pivotal voters. The
             Persuadable Voter shows how emerging information
             technologies have changed the way candidates communicate,
             who they target, and what issues they talk about. As
             Hillygus and Shields explore the complex relationships
             between candidates, voters, and technology, they reveal
             potentially troubling results for political equality and
             democratic governance. The Persuadable Voter examines recent
             and historical campaigns using a wealth of data from
             national surveys, experimental research, campaign
             advertising, archival work, and interviews with campaign
             practitioners. With its rigorous multimethod approach and
             broad theoretical perspective, the book offers a timely and
             thorough understanding of voter decision making, candidate
             strategy, and the dynamics of presidential
             campaigns.},
   Key = {fds348530}
}

@book{fds249874,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Shields, TG},
   Title = {The persuadable voter: Wedge issues in presidential
             campaigns},
   Pages = {1-249},
   Publisher = {Princeton University Press},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {August},
   ISBN = {9780691143361},
   Abstract = {The use of wedge issues such as abortion, gay marriage, and
             immigration has become standard political strategy in
             contemporary presidential campaigns. Why do candidates use
             such divisive appeals? Who in the electorate is persuaded by
             these controversial issues? And what are the consequences
             for American democracy? In this provocative and engaging
             analysis of presidential campaigns, Sunshine Hillygus and
             Todd Shields identify the types of citizens responsive to
             campaign information, the reasons they are responsive, and
             the tactics candidates use to sway these pivotal voters. The
             Persuadable Voter shows how emerging information
             technologies have changed the way candidates communicate,
             who they target, and what issues they talk about. As
             Hillygus and Shields explore the complex relationships
             between candidates, voters, and technology, they reveal
             potentially troubling results for political equality and
             democratic governance. The Persuadable Voter examines recent
             and historical campaigns using a wealth of data from
             national surveys, experimental research, campaign
             advertising, archival work, and interviews with campaign
             practitioners. With its rigorous multimethod approach and
             broad theoretical perspective, the book offers a timely and
             thorough understanding of voter decision making, candidate
             strategy, and the dynamics of presidential campaigns. ©
             2008 by Princeton University Press. All Rights
             Reserved.},
   Key = {fds249874}
}

@book{fds249862,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Nie, NH and Prewitt, K and Pals,
             H},
   Title = {The Hard Count: The Political and Social Challenges of
             Census Mobilization},
   Pages = {168 pages},
   Publisher = {Russell Sage Foundation},
   Year = {2006},
   Month = {April},
   ISBN = {1610442881},
   Abstract = {In The Hard Count, former Census Bureau director Kenneth
             Prewitt, D. Sunshine Hillygus, Norman H. Nie, and Heili Pals
             present a rigorous evaluation of this campaign.},
   Key = {fds249862}
}


%% Chapters in Books   
@misc{fds249869,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The practice of survey research: Changes and
             challenges},
   Pages = {21-40},
   Booktitle = {New Directions in Public Opinion},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {November},
   ISBN = {9781351054621},
   Key = {fds249869}
}

@misc{fds348526,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Snell, S},
   Title = {Longitudinal Surveys: Issues and Opportunities},
   Pages = {28-52},
   Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook on Polling and Polling Methods},
   Editor = {Alvarez, M and Atkinson, L},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {December},
   ISBN = {9780190213299},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190213299.013.7},
   Abstract = {Longitudinal or panel surveys, in which the same individuals
             are interviewed repeatedly over time, are increasingly
             common in the social sciences. The benefit of such surveys
             is that they track the same respondents so that researchers
             can measure individual-level change over time, offering
             greater causal leverage than cross-sectional surveys. Panel
             surveys share the challenges of other surveys while also
             facing several unique issues in design, implementation, and
             analysis. This chapter considers three such challenges: (1)
             the tension between continuity and innovation in the
             questionnaire design; (2) panel attrition, whereby some
             individuals who complete the first wave of the survey fail
             to participate in subsequent waves; and (3) specific types
             of measurement error—panel conditioning and seam bias. It
             includes an overview of these issues and their implications
             for data quality and outlines approaches for diagnosing and
             correcting for these issues in the design and analysis of
             panel surveys.},
   Doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190213299.013.7},
   Key = {fds348526}
}

@misc{fds348529,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Jackson, N and Young, M},
   Title = {Professional respondents in nonprobability online
             panels},
   Pages = {219-237},
   Booktitle = {Online Panel Research: A Data Quality Perspective},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {May},
   ISBN = {9781119941774},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118763520.ch10},
   Abstract = {It is well-documented that there exists a pool of frequent
             survey takers who participate in many different online
             nonprobability panels in order to earn cash or other
             incentives--so-called 'professional' respondents. Despite
             widespread concern about the impact of these professional
             respondents on data quality, there is not a clear
             understanding of how they might differ from other
             respondents. This chapter reviews the previous research and
             expectations regarding professional respondents and then
             examines how frequent survey taking and multiple panel
             participation affects data quality in the 2010 Cooperative
             Congressional Election Study. In contrast to common
             assumptions, we do not find overwhelming and consistent
             evidence that frequent survey takers are more likely to
             satisfice. On the contrary, frequent survey takers spent
             more time completing the questionnaire, were less likely to
             attrite, were less likely to straightline, and reported
             putting more effort into answering the survey. While panel
             memberships and number of surveys completed were related to
             skipping questions, answering "don't know," or giving junk
             responses to open-ended questions, these relationships did
             not hold once we account for levels of political knowledge.
             However, our analysis finds that higher levels of
             participation in surveys and online panels are associated
             with lower levels of political knowledge, interest,
             engagement, and ideological extremism. These findings
             suggest there could be contrasting motivations for those
             volunteering to participate in nonprobability panel surveys,
             with professional respondents taking part for the incentives
             and nonprofessional respondents taking part based on
             interest in the survey topic. As such, eliminating
             professional respondents from survey estimates, as some have
             recommended, would actually result in a more biased estimate
             of political outcomes.},
   Doi = {10.1002/9781118763520.ch10},
   Key = {fds348529}
}

@misc{fds249871,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Jackson, N and Young, M},
   Title = {“Professional Respondents in Online Survey Panels,”
             Online Panel Research - A Data Quality Perspective.},
   Booktitle = {Online Panel Research - A Data Quality Perspective},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Editor = {M Callegaro and RB and Lavrakas, P and Krosnick, J and Bethlehem, J and Gritz, A},
   Year = {2014},
   Key = {fds249871}
}

@misc{fds249872,
   Author = {Frankel, L and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Niche Communication in Political Campaigns},
   Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook on Political Communication},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
   Editor = {Jamieson, KH and Kenski, K},
   Year = {2014},
   Key = {fds249872}
}

@misc{fds249870,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Burden, B},
   Title = {Mass Polarization in the Bush Presidency},
   Booktitle = {The Presidency of George W. Bush: Perspectives on the
             Forty-Third President of the United States},
   Publisher = {Texas A&M Press},
   Editor = {Kelly, D and Shields, T},
   Year = {2013},
   Key = {fds249870}
}

@misc{fds249868,
   Author = {Bishop, B and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Campaigning, Debating, Advertising},
   Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook on Media and Public Opinion},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Editor = {Jacobs, L and Shapiro, R},
   Year = {2011},
   Key = {fds249868}
}

@misc{fds249866,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Campaign Effects on Vote Choice},
   Booktitle = {Oxford Handbook on Political Behavior},
   Year = {2009},
   Key = {fds249866}
}

@misc{fds249867,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The Need for Survey Reporting Standards in Political
             Science},
   Booktitle = {The Future of Political Science: 100 Perspectives},
   Year = {2009},
   Key = {fds249867}
}

@misc{fds348532,
   Author = {Nie, NH and Hillygus, DS and Erbring, L},
   Title = {Internet Use, Interpersonal Relations, and Sociability: A
             Time Diary Study},
   Pages = {213-243},
   Booktitle = {The Internet in Everyday Life},
   Year = {2008},
   Month = {February},
   ISBN = {0631235078},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470774298.ch7},
   Abstract = {Using exciting new time diary data, we explore the complex
             ways in which the Internetaffects interpersonal
             communication and sociability. Rather than dwelling on the
             increasinglystale debate about whether the Internet is good
             or bad for sociability, we analyzewhen and where Internet
             use impacts face-to-face interactions. Internet use at home
             hasa strong negative impact on time spent with friends and
             family, while Internet use at workis strongly related to
             decreased time with colleagues (but has little effect on
             social timewith friends and family). Similarly, Internet use
             during the weekends is more stronglyrelated to decreased
             time spent with friends and family than Internet use during
             weekdays.Our findings offer support for a "displacement" or
             "hydraulic" theory of Internetuse - time online is largely
             an asocial activity that competes with, rather than
             complements,face-to-face social time - but it is the
             location and timing of Internet use thatdetermines which
             interpersonal relationships are affected},
   Doi = {10.1002/9780470774298.ch7},
   Key = {fds348532}
}

@misc{fds348533,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Moral Values: Media, voters, and candidate
             strategy},
   Pages = {65-79},
   Booktitle = {A Matter of Faith: Religion in the 2004 Presidential
             Election},
   Year = {2007},
   Month = {December},
   ISBN = {0815710178},
   Abstract = {The conventional wisdom about the 2004 presidential election
             is that the electorate voted on the basis of "moral
             values."1 Journalists and pundits largely concluded that
             Bush won reelection because his stance on moral issues,
             especially gay marriage and abortion, coincided more closely
             than that of Kerry with the views of the American public.2
             The London Times reported that "Americans voted in record
             numbers for a Republican president primarily because they
             identified with his moral agenda."3 Tony Perkins, president
             of the Family Research Council, insisted that same-sex
             marriage was "the hood ornament on the family values wagon
             that carried the president to a second term."4 Some scholars
             have similarly concluded that the anti-gay marriage ballot
             initiatives contributed to Bush's victory,5 although others
             have challenged the assumption that voters were primarily
             concerned about moral issues in the 2004 election.6 In this
             chapter, I evaluate the relationship between presidential
             vote choice and attitudes on gay marriage, abortion, and
             other prominent campaign issues. The findings suggest that
             the election was not primarily a referendum on gay marriage
             or abortion policy. Rather, as in most elections in the
             past, the economy and war appeared to be foremost on the
             minds of most voters. The results show that gay marriage and
             abortion had roughly the same effect on their vote as the
             issues of Social Security reform, the environment, education
             policy, and a minimum wage increase. On the surface, this
             chapter may appear to run counter to the others in this
             volume. I conclude that the election was not fundamentally
             "about" the moral issues of gay marriage and abortion. At
             the same time, however, the analysis suggests that "matters
             of faith" might have influenced at least one aspect of the
             candidates' campaign strategies and policy appeals-their
             ground war communications. Religious fractures within the
             traditional party coalitions created incentives for
             candidates to appeal to narrow issue publics on wedge issues
             like abortion and gay marriage (among many others) while
             focusing the broader campaign, especially television
             advertising and news coverage, on Iraq and terrorism. The
             2004 campaigns were able to use information and
             communication technologies to microtarget different issue
             publics with the specific policies that they cared about.
             Thus, although the analysis in this chapter suggests that
             most voters (or the average American voter) did not select a
             candidate on the basis of moral issues, it is important to
             recognize that a subset of voters cared about moral issues
             and that the Bush campaign was able to use direct mail,
             phone calls, and personal canvassing to emphasize issues
             like abortion and gay marriage for that subset of voters.
             (See chapter 7, by David Campbell and Quin Monson, in this
             volume.). © 2007 Royal Institute of International
             Affairs.},
   Key = {fds348533}
}


%% Journal Articles   
@article{fds356795,
   Author = {Akande, O and Madson, G and Hillygus, DS and Reiter,
             JP},
   Title = {Leveraging auxiliary information on marginal distributions
             in nonignorable models for item and unit
             nonresponse},
   Journal = {Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series a
             (Statistics in Society)},
   Volume = {184},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {643-662},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {April},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rssa.12635},
   Abstract = {Often, government agencies and survey organizations know the
             population counts or percentages for some of the variables
             in a survey. These may be available from auxiliary sources,
             for example administrative databases or other high-quality
             surveys. We present and illustrate a model-based framework
             for leveraging such auxiliary marginal information when
             handling unit and item nonresponse. We show how one can use
             the margins to specify different missingness mechanisms for
             each type of nonresponse. We use the framework to impute
             missing values in voter turnout in a subset of data from the
             US Current Population Survey. In doing so, we examine the
             sensitivity of results to different assumptions about the
             unit and item nonresponse.},
   Doi = {10.1111/rssa.12635},
   Key = {fds356795}
}

@article{fds348510,
   Author = {Madson, GJ and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {All the Best Polls Agree with Me: Bias in Evaluations of
             Political Polling},
   Journal = {Political Behavior},
   Volume = {42},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {1055-1072},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {December},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09532-1},
   Abstract = {Do Americans consider polling results an objective source of
             information? Experts tend to evaluate the credibility of
             polls based on the survey methods used, vendor track record,
             and data transparency, but it is unclear if the public does
             the same. In two different experimental studies—one
             focusing on candidate evaluations in the 2016 U.S. election
             and one on a policy issue—we find a significant factor in
             respondent assessments of polling credibility to be the poll
             results themselves. Respondents viewed polls as more
             credible when majority opinion matched their opinion.
             Moreover, we find evidence of attitude polarization after
             viewing polling results, suggesting motivated reasoning in
             the evaluations of political polls. These findings indicate
             that evaluations of polls are biased by motivated reasoning
             and suggest that such biases could constrain the possible
             impact of polls on political decision making.},
   Doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09532-1},
   Key = {fds348510}
}

@article{fds348515,
   Author = {Holbein, JB and Hillygus, DS and Lenard, MA and Gibson-Davis, C and Hill, DV},
   Title = {The Development of Students' Engagement in School, Community
             and Democracy},
   Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {50},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {1439-1457},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {October},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000712341800025X},
   Abstract = {This article explores the origins of youth engagement in
             school, community and democracy. Specifically, it considers
             the role of psychosocial or non-cognitive abilities, like
             grit or perseverance. Using a novel original large-scale
             longitudinal survey of students linked to school
             administrative records and a variety of modeling techniques
             - including sibling, twin and individual fixed effects - the
             study finds that psychosocial abilities are a strong
             predictor of youth civic engagement. Gritty students miss
             less class time and are more engaged in their schools, are
             more politically efficacious, are more likely to intend to
             vote when they become eligible, and volunteer more. Our work
             highlights the value of psychosocial attributes in the
             political socialization of young people.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S000712341800025X},
   Key = {fds348515}
}

@article{fds348508,
   Author = {Bail, CA and Guay, B and Maloney, E and Combs, A and Hillygus, DS and Merhout, F and Freelon, D and Volfovsky, A},
   Title = {Assessing the Russian Internet Research Agency's impact on
             the political attitudes and behaviors of American Twitter
             users in late 2017.},
   Journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the
             United States of America},
   Volume = {117},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {243-250},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1906420116},
   Abstract = {There is widespread concern that Russia and other countries
             have launched social-media campaigns designed to increase
             political divisions in the United States. Though a growing
             number of studies analyze the strategy of such campaigns, it
             is not yet known how these efforts shaped the political
             attitudes and behaviors of Americans. We study this question
             using longitudinal data that describe the attitudes and
             online behaviors of 1,239 Republican and Democratic Twitter
             users from late 2017 merged with nonpublic data about the
             Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) from Twitter. Using
             Bayesian regression tree models, we find no evidence that
             interaction with IRA accounts substantially impacted 6
             distinctive measures of political attitudes and behaviors
             over a 1-mo period. We also find that interaction with IRA
             accounts were most common among respondents with strong
             ideological homophily within their Twitter network, high
             interest in politics, and high frequency of Twitter usage.
             Together, these findings suggest that Russian trolls might
             have failed to sow discord because they mostly interacted
             with those who were already highly polarized. We conclude by
             discussing several important limitations of our
             study-especially our inability to determine whether IRA
             accounts influenced the 2016 presidential election-as well
             as its implications for future research on social media
             influence campaigns, political polarization, and
             computational social science.},
   Doi = {10.1073/pnas.1906420116},
   Key = {fds348508}
}

@article{fds348509,
   Author = {Dounoucos, VA and Hillygus, DS and Carlson, C},
   Title = {The message and the medium: an experimental evaluation of
             the effects of Twitter commentary on campaign
             messages},
   Journal = {Journal of Information Technology & Politics},
   Volume = {16},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {66-76},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1572566},
   Abstract = {Social media are an increasingly important communication
             tool in political campaigns, yet there is much to learn
             about how communication effects might differ for these
             platforms. In contrast to traditional media outlets,
             messengers often do not fully control their message on
             social media; rather, the audience often receive the
             candidate message along with comments and reactions,
             commonly uncivil ones. Using a survey experiment, we examine
             the persuasion implications of audience comments on
             candidate tweets. We find that commentary on tweets becomes
             part of the communicated message, with mostly positive
             comments offering a slight persuasive boost, and mostly
             negative comments offering a larger negative
             effect.},
   Doi = {10.1080/19331681.2019.1572566},
   Key = {fds348509}
}

@article{fds348513,
   Author = {Atkeson, L and Crespo-Tenorio, A and Gill, J and Hillygus, DS and Hopkins, DJ and Pang, X and Sinclair, B},
   Title = {Comments on Single-Blind Reviewing from the Editorial
             Staff},
   Journal = {Political Analysis},
   Volume = {26},
   Number = {03},
   Pages = {255-257},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {July},
   Key = {fds348513}
}

@article{fds348512,
   Author = {Atkeson, L and Crespo-Tenorio, A and Gill, J and Hillygus, DS and Hopkins, DJ and Pang, X and Sinclair, B},
   Title = {Comments on Single-Blind Reviewing from the Editorial
             Staff},
   Journal = {Political Analysis},
   Volume = {26},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {255-257},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.34},
   Doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.34},
   Key = {fds348512}
}

@article{fds348511,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Navigating scholarly exchange in today’s media
             environment},
   Journal = {Journal of Politics},
   Volume = {80},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {1064-1068},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696615},
   Abstract = {Growing concerns about the reliability and validity of
             published empirical research has helped to fuel an
             increasing number of scholarly exchanges about research
             replications and reproductions, which often play out in
             social media, anonymous blog posts, and the media. I argue
             that we undermine our collective efforts to promote
             transparent and rigorous scientific practice if we fail to
             pay attention to language and communication-in our exchanges
             with both the media and each other.},
   Doi = {10.1086/696615},
   Key = {fds348511}
}

@article{fds348514,
   Author = {Lopez, J and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Why So Serious?: Survey Trolls and Misinformation},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {March},
   Key = {fds348514}
}

@article{fds348517,
   Author = {Knutson, KL and Phelan, J and Paskow, MJ and Roach, A and Whiton, K and Langer, G and Hillygus, DS and Mokrzycki, M and Broughton, WA and Chokroverty, S and Lichstein, KL and Weaver, TE and Hirshkowitz,
             M},
   Title = {The National Sleep Foundation's Sleep Health
             Index.},
   Journal = {Sleep Health},
   Volume = {3},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {234-240},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sleh.2017.05.011},
   Abstract = {<h4>Objectives</h4>A validated survey instrument to assess
             general sleep health would be a useful research tool,
             particularly when objective measures of sleep are not
             feasible. Thus, the National Sleep Foundation spearheaded
             the development of the Sleep Health Index
             (SHI).<h4>Design</h4>The development of the SHI began with a
             task force of experts who identified key sleep domains and
             questions. An initial draft of the survey was created and
             questions were refined using cognitive testing and
             pretesting. The resulting 28-question survey was
             administered via random-sample telephone interviews to
             nationally representative samples of adults in 2014 (n=1253)
             and 2015 (n=1250). These data were combined to create the
             index. A factor analysis linked 14 questions to 3 discrete
             domains: sleep quality, sleep duration, and disordered
             sleep. These were assembled as sub-indices, then combined to
             form the overall SHI, with scores ranging from 0 to 100
             (higher score reflects better sleep health).<h4>Results</h4>Americans
             earned an overall SHI score of 76/100, with sub-index scores
             of 81/100 in disordered sleep, 79/100 in sleep duration, and
             68/100 in sleep quality. In regression analyses, the
             strongest independent predictors of sleep health were
             self-reported stress (β=-0.26) and overall health
             (β=0.26), which were also the strongest predictors of sleep
             quality (β=-0.32 and β=0.27 respectively).<h4>Conclusions</h4>The
             current 12-item SHI is a valid, reliable research tool that
             robustly measures 3 separate but related elements of sleep
             health-duration, quality, and disorders-and assesses the
             sleep health status of adults in the United
             States.},
   Doi = {10.1016/j.sleh.2017.05.011},
   Key = {fds348517}
}

@article{fds348518,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and McKee, SC and Young, M},
   Title = {Polls and ElectionsReversal of Fortune: The Political
             Behavior of White Migrants to the South},
   Journal = {Presidential Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {47},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {354-364},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {June},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12372},
   Doi = {10.1111/psq.12372},
   Key = {fds348518}
}

@article{fds348519,
   Author = {Holbein, JB and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Erratum to: Making Young Voters: The Impact of
             Preregistration on Youth Turnout: MAKING YOUNG VOTERS
             (American Journal of Political Science, (2016), 60, 2,
             (364-382), 10.1111/ajps.12177)},
   Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {61},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {505-507},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {April},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12293},
   Abstract = {The purpose of this erratum is to address an error in Making
             Young Voters: The Impact of Preregistration on Youth
             Turnout. The error affects the size of the coefficient
             estimate on preregistration laws in the difference-in-difference
             model reported in Table 2 (column 1). Updating the
             difference-in-difference model estimate finds a smaller, but
             still positive effect of preregistration laws on youth
             turnout. Taken together with the results from other model
             specifications, data sources, and analytic approaches, the
             conclusion of the article remains the same: preregistration
             appears to be a viable electoral policy for increasing youth
             turnout. The error in the difference-in-difference model
             comes from including state fixed effects, year fixed
             effects, and state*year fixed effects. Because our treatment
             variable—preregistration availability in the state and
             year—is defined by state and year, we should not include
             the interactions in the model. Stata version 11.2 (using
             code posted on the AJPS Dataverse) estimated the model by
             dropping the fixed effect on Delaware in 2012, resulting in
             a misinterpretation of the treatment variable. We are
             grateful to Ryan Enos, James Snyder, and the Harvard
             American Politics Summer Reading Group for alerting us to
             this error (email dated August 10, 2016) and to Anthony
             Fowler for following up with additional information (email
             dated November 22, 2016).},
   Doi = {10.1111/ajps.12293},
   Key = {fds348519}
}

@article{fds348520,
   Author = {DeYoreo, M and Reiter, JP and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Bayesian mixture models with focused clustering for mixed
             ordinal and nominal data},
   Journal = {Bayesian Analysis},
   Volume = {12},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {679-703},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1214/16-BA1020},
   Abstract = {In some contexts, mixture models can fit certain variables
             well at the expense of others in ways beyond the analyst's
             control. For example, when the data include some variables
             with non-trivial amounts of missing values, the mixture
             model may fit the marginal distributions of the nearly and
             fully complete variables at the expense of the variables
             with high fractions of missing data. Motivated by this
             setting, we present a mixture model for mixed ordinal and
             nominal data that splits variables into two groups, focus
             variables and remainder variables. The model allows the
             analyst to specify a rich sub-model for the focus variables
             and a simpler sub-model for remainder variables, yet still
             capture associations among the variables. Using simulations,
             we illustrate advantages and limitations of focused
             clustering compared to mixture models that do not
             distinguish variables. We apply the model to handle missing
             values in an analysis of the 2012 American National Election
             Study, estimating relationships among voting behavior,
             ideology, and political party affiliation.},
   Doi = {10.1214/16-BA1020},
   Key = {fds348520}
}

@article{fds348521,
   Author = {Ballard, AO and Hillygus, DS and Konitzer, T},
   Title = {Campaigning Online: Web Display Ads in the 2012 Presidential
             Campaign},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {49},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {414-419},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1049096516000780},
   Abstract = {Although much of what we know about political advertising
             comes from the study of television advertising alone, online
             advertising is an increasingly prominent part of political
             campaigning. Research on other online political
             communication - especially candidate websites, blogs, and
             social media - tends to conclude that these communications
             are aimed primarily at turning existing supporters into
             campaign donors, activists, and volunteers. Is a similar
             communication strategy found in online display ads - those
             ads placed adjacent to website content? In one of the first
             systematic analyses of the nature, content, and targets of
             online display advertising, we examined 840 unique online
             display ads from the 2012 presidential campaign. We show
             that the policy content, ad location, and interactive
             elements of the ads varied based on the audience, with
             persuasive appeals aimed at undecided or persuadable voters
             and engagement appeals aimed at existing supporters.
             Comparing ad content across candidates also found that each
             side focused on those issues for which the candidate had a
             strategic advantage. As a consequence, and in contrast to
             the conclusions of previous research that examines
             television advertising, we found minimal issue engagement in
             online advertising.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S1049096516000780},
   Key = {fds348521}
}

@article{fds249861,
   Author = {Holbein, JB and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Making Young Voters: The Impact of Preregistration on Youth
             Turnout},
   Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {60},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {364-382},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0092-5853},
   url = {http://hdl.handle.net/10161/10420 Duke open
             access},
   Abstract = {Recent research has cast doubt on the potential for various
             electoral reforms to increase voter turnout. In this
             article, we examine the effectiveness of preregistration
             laws, which allow young citizens to register before being
             eligible to vote. We use two empirical approaches to
             evaluate the impact of preregistration on youth turnout.
             First, we implement difference-in-difference and lag models
             to bracket the causal effect of preregistration
             implementation using the 2000-2012 Current Population
             Survey. Second, focusing on the state of Florida, we
             leverage a discontinuity based on date of birth to estimate
             the effect of increased preregistration exposure on the
             turnout of young registrants. In both approaches, we find
             preregistration increases voter turnout, with equal
             effectiveness for various subgroups in the electorate. More
             broadly, observed patterns suggest that campaign context and
             supporting institutions may help to determine when and if
             electoral reforms are effective.},
   Doi = {10.1111/ajps.12177},
   Key = {fds249861}
}

@article{fds348522,
   Author = {Si, Y and Reiter, JP and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Bayesian latent pattern mixture models for handling
             attrition in panel studies with refreshment
             samples},
   Journal = {The Annals of Applied Statistics},
   Volume = {10},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {118-143},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1214/15-AOAS876},
   Abstract = {Many panel studies collect refreshment samples—new,
             randomly sampled respondents who complete the questionnaire
             at the same time as a subsequent wave of the panel. With
             appropriate modeling, these samples can be leveraged to
             correct inferences for biases caused by nonignorable
             attrition. We present such a model when the panel includes
             many categorical survey variables. The model relies on a
             Bayesian latent pattern mixture model, in which an indicator
             for attrition and the survey variables are modeled jointly
             via a latent class model.We allow the multinomial
             probabilities within classes to depend on the attrition
             indicator, which offers additional flexibility over standard
             applications of latent class models. We present results of
             simulation studies that illustrate the benefits of this
             flexibility. We apply the model to correct attrition bias in
             an analysis of data from the 2007–2008 Associated
             Press/Yahoo News election panel study.},
   Doi = {10.1214/15-AOAS876},
   Key = {fds348522}
}

@article{fds348523,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Junn, J},
   Title = {Norman H. Nie In Memoriam},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {49},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {148-149},
   Publisher = {CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {January},
   Key = {fds348523}
}

@article{fds348524,
   Author = {Henderson, M and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Changing the clock},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {80},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {761-770},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfw027},
   Abstract = {Time of vote decision research has shaped our understanding
             of the nature and influence of campaigns. Traditionally,
             time of decision has been viewed primarily as a reflection
             of individual-level characteristics, especially political
             interest or attentiveness. We use eight waves of panel
             survey data to evaluate how campaign context interacts with
             attentiveness to affect time of decision in the 2008 US
             presidential election. Our data show that less politically
             interested respondents living in locations where campaigning
             was most intense made up their minds earlier than those
             living elsewhere, but there is no such difference among the
             most interested. Rather than time of decision simply
             constraining campaign effects, these results suggest that
             campaigns structure the time of decision.},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfw027},
   Key = {fds348524}
}

@article{fds348525,
   Author = {Gerber, AS and Arceneaux, K and Boudreau, C and Dowling, C and Hillygus,
             DS},
   Title = {Reporting Balance Tables, Response Rates and Manipulation
             Checks in Experimental Research: A Reply from the Committee
             that Prepared the Reporting Guidelines},
   Journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
   Volume = {2},
   Number = {02},
   Pages = {216-229},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {December},
   Key = {fds348525}
}

@article{fds348527,
   Author = {Schifeling, TA and Cheng, C and Reiter, JP and Hillygus,
             DS},
   Title = {Accounting for nonignorable unit nonresponse and attrition
             in panel studies with refreshment samples},
   Journal = {Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology},
   Volume = {3},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {265-295},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {September},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jssam/smv007},
   Abstract = {Panel surveys typically suffer from attrition, which can
             lead to biased inference when basing analysis only on cases
             that complete all waves of the panel. Unfortunately, the
             panel data alone cannot inform the extent of the bias due to
             attrition, so analysts must make strong and untestable
             assumptions about the missing data mechanism. Many panel
             studies also include refreshment samples, which are data
             collected from a random sample of new individuals during
             some later wave of the panel. Refreshment samples offer
             information that can be utilized to correct for biases
             induced by nonignorable attrition while reducing reliance on
             strong assumptions about the attrition process. To date,
             these bias correction methods have not dealt with two key
             practical issues in panel studies: unit nonresponse in the
             initial wave of the panel and in the refreshment sample
             itself. As we illustrate, nonignorable unit nonresponse can
             significantly compromise the analyst's ability to use the
             refreshment samples for attrition bias correction. Thus, it
             is crucial for analysts to assess how sensitive their
             inferences-corrected for panel attrition-are to different
             assumptions about the nature of the unit nonresponse. We
             present an approach that facilitates such sensitivity
             analyses for suspected nonignorable unit nonresponse both in
             the initial wave and in the refreshment sample. We
             illustrate the approach using simulation studies and an
             analysis of data from the 2007-2008 Associated Press/Yahoo
             News election panel study.},
   Doi = {10.1093/jssam/smv007},
   Key = {fds348527}
}

@article{fds249859,
   Author = {Si, Y and Reiter, JP and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Semi-parametric selection models for potentially
             non-ignorable attrition in panel studies with refreshment
             samples},
   Journal = {Political Analysis},
   Volume = {23},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {92-112},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {January},
   ISSN = {1047-1987},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpu009},
   Abstract = {Panel studies typically suffer from attrition. Ignoring the
             attrition can result in biased inferences if the missing
             data are systematically related to outcomes of interest.
             Unfortunately, panel data alone cannot inform the extent of
             bias due to attrition. Many panel studies also include
             refreshment samples, which are data collected from a random
             sample of new individuals during the later waves of the
             panel. Refreshment samples offer information that can be
             utilized to correct for biases induced by non-ignorable
             attrition while reducing reliance on strong assumptions
             about the attrition process. We present a Bayesian approach
             to handle attrition in two-wave panels with one refreshment
             sample and many categorical survey variables. The approach
             includes (1) an additive non-ignorable selection model for
             the attrition process; and (2) a Dirichlet process mixture
             of multinomial distributions for the categorical survey
             variables. We present Markov chain Monte Carlo algorithms
             for sampling from the posterior distribution of model
             parameters and missing data. We apply the model to correct
             attrition bias in an analysis of data from the 2007-08
             Associated Press/Yahoo News election panel
             study.},
   Doi = {10.1093/pan/mpu009},
   Key = {fds249859}
}

@article{fds348528,
   Author = {Gerber, AS and Arceneaux, K and Boudreau, C and Dowling, C and Hillygus,
             DS},
   Title = {Reporting Balance Tables, Response Rates and Manipulation
             Checks in Experimental Research: A Reply from the Committee
             that Prepared the Reporting Guidelines},
   Journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
   Volume = {2},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {216-229},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2015.20},
   Doi = {10.1017/XPS.2015.20},
   Key = {fds348528}
}

@article{fds249865,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Treul, SA},
   Title = {Assessing strategic voting in the 2008 US presidential
             primaries: the role of electoral context, institutional
             rules, and negative votes},
   Journal = {Public Choice},
   Volume = {161},
   Number = {3-4},
   Pages = {517-536},
   Publisher = {Springer Nature},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {December},
   ISSN = {0048-5829},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-014-0183-1},
   Abstract = {We examine the nature and extent of strategic voting in the
             2008 US presidential primary. In doing so, we distinguish
             positive strategic voters—those casting ballots for their
             second choice in the primary and general election—from
             negative strategic voters—those casting ballots for a
             candidate they want to lose in the general election. We find
             evidence of both types in 2008. Moreover, we show that the
             likelihood of voting strategically is related to the
             electoral and institutional context. Specifically, those who
             prefer trailing candidates and who live in states with open
             primaries or with elections after John McCain became the
             presumed nominee were more likely to vote
             strategically.},
   Doi = {10.1007/s11127-014-0183-1},
   Key = {fds249865}
}

@article{fds249863,
   Author = {Aldrich, JH and Bishop, BH and Hatch, RS and Hillygus, SD and Rohde,
             DW},
   Title = {Blame, Responsibility, and the Tea Party in the 2010 Midterm
             Elections},
   Journal = {Political Behavior},
   Volume = {36},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {471-491},
   Publisher = {Springer Nature},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {September},
   ISSN = {0190-9320},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-013-9242-4},
   Doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9242-4},
   Key = {fds249863}
}

@article{fds348531,
   Author = {Gerber, A and Arceneaux, K and Boudreau, C and Dowling, C and Hillygus,
             S and Palfrey, T and Biggers, DR and Hendry, DJ},
   Title = {Reporting Guidelines for Experimental Research: A Report
             from the Experimental Research Section Standards
             Committee},
   Journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
   Volume = {1},
   Number = {01},
   Pages = {81-98},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {March},
   Key = {fds348531}
}

@article{fds249864,
   Author = {Frankel, LL and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Looking beyond demographics: Panel attrition in the ANES and
             GSS},
   Journal = {Political Analysis},
   Volume = {22},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {336-353},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {January},
   ISSN = {1047-1987},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt020},
   Abstract = {Longitudinal or panel surveys offer unique benefits for
             social science research, but they typically suffer from
             attrition, which reduces sample size and can result in
             biased inferences. Previous research tends to focus on the
             demographic predictors of attrition, conceptualizing
             attrition propensity as a stable, individual-level
             characteristic-some individuals (e.g., young, poor,
             residentially mobile) are more likely to drop out of a study
             than others. We argue that panel attrition reflects both the
             characteristics of the individual respondent as well as her
             survey experience, a factor shaped by the design and
             implementation features of the study. In this article, we
             examine and compare the predictors of panel attrition in the
             2008-2009 American National Election Study, an online panel,
             and the 2006-2010 General Social Survey, a face-to-face
             panel. In both cases, survey experience variables are
             predictive of panel attrition above and beyond the standard
             demographic predictors, but the particular measures of
             relevance differ across the two surveys. The findings inform
             statistical corrections for panel attrition bias and provide
             study design insights for future panel data collections. ©
             The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on
             behalf of the Society for Political Methodology. All rights
             reserved.},
   Doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt020},
   Key = {fds249864}
}

@article{fds249860,
   Author = {Johnston, CD and Hillygus, DS and Bartels, BL},
   Title = {Ideology, the Affordable Care Act Ruling, and Supreme Court
             Legitimacy},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {78},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {963-973},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2014},
   ISSN = {0033-362X},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfu036},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfu036},
   Key = {fds249860}
}

@article{fds303776,
   Author = {Deng, Y and Hillygus, DS and Reiter, JP and Si, Y and Zheng,
             S},
   Title = {Handling attrition in longitudinal studies: The case for
             refreshment samples},
   Journal = {Statistical Science},
   Volume = {28},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {238-256},
   Publisher = {Institute of Mathematical Statistics},
   Year = {2013},
   Month = {May},
   url = {http://arxiv.org/abs/1306.2791v1},
   Abstract = {Panel studies typically suffer from attrition, which reduces
             sample size and can result in biased inferences. It is
             impossible to know whether or not the attrition causes bias
             from the observed panel data alone. Refreshment samples-new,
             randomly sampled respondents given the questionnaire at the
             same time as a subsequent wave of the panel-offer
             information that can be used to diagnose and adjust for bias
             due to attrition. We review and bolster the case for the use
             of refreshment samples in panel studies. We include examples
             of both a fully Bayesian approach for analyzing the
             concatenated panel and refreshment data, and a multiple
             imputation approach for analyzing only the original panel.
             For the latter, we document a positive bias in the usual
             multiple imputation variance estimator. We present models
             appropriate for three waves and two refreshment samples,
             including nonterminal attrition. We illustrate the
             three-wave analysis using the 2007-2008 Associated
             Press-Yahoo! News Election Poll. © Institute of
             Mathematical Statistics, 2013.},
   Doi = {10.1214/13-STS414},
   Key = {fds303776}
}

@article{fds249873,
   Author = {Frankel, L and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Panel Attrition and the Survey Experience},
   Journal = {Political Analysis},
   Year = {2013},
   Key = {fds249873}
}

@article{fds249881,
   Author = {Henderson, M and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The dynamics of health care opinion, 2008-2010:
             partisanship, self-interest, and racial resentment.},
   Journal = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law},
   Volume = {36},
   Number = {6},
   Pages = {945-960},
   Year = {2011},
   Month = {December},
   url = {http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/22232419},
   Abstract = {Recent debate over the Patient Protection and Affordable
             Care Act highlights the extent of party polarization in
             Washington. While the partisan divide on this issue is stark
             among political elites, it is less clear how the mass
             electorate has responded to this divisive conflict. In this
             article we examine individual-level dynamics in health care
             attitudes between 2008 and 2010. We find partisan
             attachments and self-interests strongly predict change in
             health care attitudes, with Republicans growing more opposed
             to universal health insurance between 2008 and 2010, and
             those personally worried about medical expenses less likely
             to abandon support. We find, however, that the effect of
             partisanship is moderated by self-interest, with strong
             Republicans significantly less likely to switch to
             opposition if they were personally worried about medical
             expenses. Finally, we find that health care policy
             preferences, already tinged with racial attitudes in 2008,
             became increasingly so by 2010.},
   Doi = {10.1215/03616878-1460533},
   Key = {fds249881}
}

@article{fds249883,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The evolution of election polling in the United
             States},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {75},
   Number = {5 SPEC. ISSUE},
   Pages = {962-981},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2011},
   Month = {December},
   ISSN = {0033-362X},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000298192700011&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {Public opinion polls have long played an important role in
             the study and conduct of elections. In this essay, I outline
             the evolution of polling as used for three different
             functions in U.S. presidential elections: forecasting
             election outcomes, understanding voter behavior, and
             planning campaign strategy. Since the introduction of
             scientific polling in the 1936 election, technology has
             altered the way polls are used by the media, public,
             candidates, and scholars. Today, polls and surveys remain
             vital to electoral behavior and our understanding of it, but
             they are being increasingly supplemented or replaced by
             alternate measures and methods. © The Author
             2011.},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfr054},
   Key = {fds249883}
}

@article{fds249884,
   Author = {Henderson, M and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The Dynamics of Health Care Opinion, 2008-2010},
   Journal = {Journal of Health Politics, Policy, and Law},
   Year = {2011},
   Key = {fds249884}
}

@article{fds249878,
   Author = {Elis, R and Hillygus, DS and Nie, N},
   Title = {The dynamics of candidate evaluations and vote choice in
             2008: Looking to the past or future?},
   Journal = {Electoral Studies},
   Volume = {29},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {582-593},
   Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
   Year = {2010},
   Month = {December},
   ISSN = {0261-3794},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000286294600005&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {In this paper, we leverage a 10-wave election panel to
             examine the relative and dynamic effects of voter
             evaluations of Bush, Palin, Biden, McCain, and Obama in the
             2008 presidential election. We show that the effects of
             these political figures on vote choice evolves through the
             campaign, with the predictive effects of President Bush
             declining after the nominees are known, and the effects of
             the candidates (and Palin), increasing towards Election Day.
             In evaluating the relative effects of these political
             figures on individual-level changes in vote choice during
             the fall campaign, we also find that evaluations of the
             candidates and Sarah Palin dwarf that of President Bush. Our
             results suggest a Bayesian model of voter decision making in
             which retrospective evaluations of the previous
             administration might provide a starting point for assessing
             the candidates, but prospective evaluations based on
             information learned during the campaign helps voters to
             update their candidate preference. Finally, we estimate the
             " Palin effect," based on individual-level changes in
             favorability towards the vice-presidential nominee, and
             conclude that her campaign performance cost McCain just
             under 2% of the final vote share. © 2010 Elsevier
             Ltd.},
   Doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.04.005},
   Key = {fds249878}
}

@article{fds249875,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Henderson, M},
   Title = {Political issues and the Dynamics of vote choice in
             2008},
   Journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and
             Parties},
   Volume = {20},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {241-269},
   Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
   Year = {2010},
   Month = {May},
   ISSN = {1745-7289},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457281003697263},
   Abstract = {The 2008 American presidential contest occurred amidst
             economic conditions unlike any seen in decades. Media
             assessments have often attributed Barack Obama's victory to
             the faltering economy, particularly the financial crisis
             that erupted just seven weeks before election day. In this
             article we assess the role of the economy and other
             political issues on vote choice, and find that the impact of
             the economic crisis is more nuanced than is often assumed.
             We find that while the economy did matter for the general
             election, so too did social issues. More interestingly, the
             collapse itself seemed to have only a minor impact because
             so many people had already made up their minds before the
             collapse. Finally, we show that while Obama benefited from
             the economy in the general election, it may have actually
             worked against him in the primary phase of the contest. ©
             2010 Elections, Public Opinion & Parties.},
   Doi = {10.1080/17457281003697263},
   Key = {fds249875}
}

@article{fds249882,
   Author = {Henderson, M and Hillygus, DS and Tompson, T},
   Title = {"Sour grapes" or rational voting? Voter decision making
             among thwarted primary voters in 2008},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {74},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {499-529},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2010},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0033-362X},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000281386100005&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {During the 2008 presidential campaign, journalists and
             pundits debated the electoral consequences of the prolonged
             and hard-fought nomination contest between Hillary Clinton
             and Barack Obama. Previous research, typically using
             aggregate vote returns, has concluded that divisive
             primaries negatively impact the electoral prospects of the
             winning candidate. It is thought that supporters of the
             losing candidate are less likely to vote and more likely to
             defect because of psychological disaffection, or "sour
             grapes." Using a new panel dataset that traces individual
             candidate preferences during the primary and general
             election campaigns, we are able to explicitly examine
             individual-level decision making in the general election
             conditioned on voting behavior in the primary. Although
             "sour grapes" had a modest effect on eventual support for
             the party nominee, fundamental political considerations -
             especially attitudes on the War in Iraq - were far better
             predictors of the vote decision among thwarted voters.
             Moreover, we find that supporters of losing Democratic
             candidates were far more likely to vote for Obama if they
             lived in a battleground state. © The Author 2010. Published
             by Oxford University Press on behalf of the American
             Association for Public Opinion Research. All rights
             reserved.},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfq008},
   Key = {fds249882}
}

@article{fds249885,
   Author = {Ellis, R and Hillygus, DS and Nie, N},
   Title = {Retrospective or Prospective Voting in 2008},
   Journal = {Electoral Studies},
   Year = {2010},
   Key = {fds249885}
}

@article{fds249886,
   Author = {Henderson, M and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Policy Issues and the Dynamics of Vote Choice in the 2008
             Presidential Election},
   Journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and
             Parties},
   Year = {2010},
   Key = {fds249886}
}

@article{fds249888,
   Author = {Treier, S and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The nature of political ideology in the contemporary
             electorate},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {73},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {679-703},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {December},
   ISSN = {0033-362X},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000272689000003&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {Given the increasingly polarized nature of American
             politics, renewed attention has been focused on the
             ideological nature of the mass public. Using Bayesian Item
             Response Theory (IRT), we examine the contemporary contours
             of policy attitudes as they relate to ideological identity
             and we consider the implications for the way scholars
             conceptualize, measure, and use political ideology in
             empirical research. Although political rhetoric today is
             clearly organized by a single ideological dimension, we find
             that the belief systems of the mass public remain
             multidimensional, with many in the electorate holding
             liberal preferences on one dimension and conservative
             preferences on another. These cross-pressured individuals
             tend to self-identify as moderate (or say "Don't Know") in
             response to the standard liberal-conservative scale, thereby
             jeopardizing the validity of this commonly used measure. Our
             analysis further shows that failing to account for the
             multidimensional nature of ideological preferences can
             produce inaccurate predictions about the voting behavior of
             the American public.},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfp067},
   Key = {fds249888}
}

@article{fds366577,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Understanding the 2008 Presidential Election:
             Introduction},
   Journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
   Volume = {73},
   Number = {5},
   Pages = {841-844},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {December},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfp084},
   Doi = {10.1093/poq/nfp084},
   Key = {fds366577}
}

@article{fds249887,
   Author = {Burden, B and Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {Opinion Formation, Polarization, and Presidential
             Reelection},
   Journal = {Presidential Studies Quarterly},
   Year = {2009},
   Key = {fds249887}
}

@article{fds249876,
   Author = {HILLYGUS, DS},
   Title = {The Dynamics of Voter Decision Making Among Minor-Party
             Supporters: The 2000 Presidential Election in the United
             States},
   Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {37},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {225-244},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2007},
   Month = {April},
   ISSN = {0007-1234},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000246333800002&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {<jats:p>Minor party candidates are quite common in modern
             democratic elections, but we know relatively little about
             the decision-making process of minor-party supporters. An
             extensive panel dataset is used to examine the
             individual-level dynamics of Nader support in the United
             States during the 2000 presidential election campaign. A
             multinomial logit model is estimated to analyse the factors
             related to a Nader supporter's decision to switch support to
             Gore, to switch support to Bush or to remain loyal to Nader
             from one interview to the next. The Nader supporters most
             likely to switch to a major-party candidate were the most
             politically aware, partisans, those concerned about policy
             outcomes and respondents in competitive states. Nader
             supporters were also more likely to abandon the candidate at
             the ballot box rather than earlier in the campaign. These
             findings challenge existing expectations about campaign
             dynamics and appear to reflect strategic calculations on the
             part of Nader supporters.</jats:p>},
   Doi = {10.1017/s0007123407000117},
   Key = {fds249876}
}

@article{fds249879,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Shields, TG},
   Title = {Moral issues and voter decision making in the 2004
             presidential election},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {38},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {201-209},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2005},
   Month = {April},
   ISSN = {1049-0965},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000228569100005&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Doi = {10.1017/S1049096505056301},
   Key = {fds249879}
}

@article{fds249877,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS},
   Title = {The missing link: Exploring the relationship between higher
             education and political engagement},
   Journal = {Political Behavior},
   Volume = {27},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {25-47},
   Publisher = {Springer Nature},
   Year = {2005},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0190-9320},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000228199300002&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {Empirical political behavior research has consistently
             observed a robust and positive relationship between
             education and political engagement, but has failed to
             adequately explain why education is so important. Using data
             from the Baccalaureate and Beyond (B&B) Longitudinal Study,
             I test three competing hypotheses explaining the enduring
             link between higher education and political behavior. I find
             that a verbal SAT scores and a social science curriculum are
             related to future political engagement, suggesting that the
             content of higher education, especially a curriculum that
             develops language and civic skills, is influential in
             shaping participation in American democracy. © 2005
             Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.},
   Doi = {10.1007/s11109-005-3075-8},
   Key = {fds249877}
}

@article{fds249880,
   Author = {Hillygus, DS and Jackman, S},
   Title = {Voter Decision Making in Election 2000: Campaign Effects,
             Partisan Activation, and the Clinton Legacy},
   Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {47},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {583-596},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Year = {2003},
   Month = {October},
   ISSN = {0092-5853},
   url = {http://gateway.webofknowledge.com/gateway/Gateway.cgi?GWVersion=2&SrcApp=PARTNER_APP&SrcAuth=LinksAMR&KeyUT=WOS:000185580600002&DestLinkType=FullRecord&DestApp=ALL_WOS&UsrCustomerID=47d3190e77e5a3a53558812f597b0b92},
   Abstract = {How do citizens respond to campaign events? We explore this
             question with a unique repeated measures survey design,
             fielded during the 2000 presidential campaign. We model
             transitions in support for the major party candidates
             following the party conventions and presidential debates. In
             the aggregate, Gore support increases following the
             conventions (but not the debates), while Bush support
             increases with the debates (but not the conventions). But
             there is considerable microlevel variation in the data:
             responsiveness to campaign events is greatest among
             Independents, undecided voters, and "mismatched partisans,"
             but exactly how these groups respond differs for each event.
             Moreover, attitudes toward then President Clinton mediate
             the effect of the campaign events on voter preferences. Two
             primary conclusions follow: (1) rich data sets are required
             to observe the effects of campaign events; (2) the influence
             of campaign events on vote choice is conditional on previous
             preferences, partisan dispositions, and political
             context.},
   Doi = {10.1111/1540-5907.00041},
   Key = {fds249880}
}


%% Other   
@misc{fds348516,
   Author = {Xing, Z and Hillygus, S and Carin, L},
   Title = {Evaluating U.S. Electoral representation with a joint
             statistical model of congressional roll-calls, legislative
             text, and voter registration data},
   Journal = {Proceedings of the Acm Sigkdd International Conference on
             Knowledge Discovery and Data Mining},
   Volume = {Part F129685},
   Pages = {1205-1214},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {August},
   ISBN = {9781450348874},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3097983.3098151},
   Abstract = {Extensive information on 3 million randomly sampled United
             States citizens is used to construct a statistical model of
             constituent preferences for each U.S. congressional
             district. This model is linked to the legislative voting
             record of the legislator from each district, yielding an
             integrated model for constituency data, legislative
             roll-call votes, and the text of the legislation. The model
             is used to examine the extent to which legislators' voting
             records are aligned with constituent preferences, and the
             implications of that alignment (or lack thereof) on
             subsequent election outcomes. The analysis is based on a
             Bayesian formalism, with fast inference via a stochastic
             variational Bayesian analysis.},
   Doi = {10.1145/3097983.3098151},
   Key = {fds348516}
}


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