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Publications of Kyle Beardsley    :recent first  alphabetical  combined listing:

%% Books   
@book{fds292241,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {The Mediation Dilemma},
   Publisher = {Cornell University Press},
   Year = {2011},
   url = {http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100199150},
   Key = {fds292241}
}

@book{fds328340,
   Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping Women, Peace, and Security in
             Post-Conflict States},
   Pages = {272 pages},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {February},
   ISBN = {0190602430},
   Abstract = {Karim and Beardsley also identify and examine how increasing
             the representation of women in peacekeeping forces, and even
             more importantly through enhancing a more holistic value for
             "equal opportunity," can enable peacekeeping
             operations ...},
   Key = {fds328340}
}

@book{fds343463,
   Author = {Wilkenfeld, J and Beardsley, K and Quinn, D},
   Title = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
             Crises},
   Pages = {1-424},
   Publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781788110693},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709},
   Abstract = {Current conceptions of mediation can often fail to capture
             the complexity and intricacy of modern conflicts. This
             Research Handbook addresses this problem by presenting the
             leading expert opinions on international mediation,
             examining how international mediation practices, mechanisms
             and institutions should adapt to the changing
             characteristics of contemporary international
             crises.},
   Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709},
   Key = {fds343463}
}


%% Chapters in Books   
@misc{fds292222,
   Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Issues in Data Collection},
   Pages = {4705-4725},
   Booktitle = {The International Studies Encyclopedia},
   Publisher = {Blackwell},
   Editor = {Denemark, RA},
   Year = {2010},
   url = {http://www.isacompendium.com/},
   Key = {fds292222}
}

@misc{fds292223,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
   Title = {Nuclear-Weapons Programs and the Security
             Dilemma},
   Booktitle = {The Nuclear Renaissance and International
             Security},
   Publisher = {Stanford University Press},
   Editor = {Fuhrmann, M and Stulberg, A},
   Year = {2013},
   url = {http://www.sup.org/book.cgi?id=21105},
   Key = {fds292223}
}

@misc{fds292210,
   Author = {Beardsley, KC and Danneman, N},
   Title = {Mediation in International Conflicts},
   Booktitle = {Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences: An
             Interdisciplinary, Searchable, and Linkable
             Resource},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Editor = {Scott, RA and Kosslyn, SM},
   Year = {2015},
   ISBN = {978-1-118-90077-2},
   Key = {fds292210}
}

@misc{fds292211,
   Author = {Beardsley, KC and Karim, S},
   Title = {Ladies Last: Peacekeeping and Gendered Protection},
   Pages = {62-95},
   Booktitle = {A Systematic Understanding of Gender, Peace and Security:
             Implementing UNSCR 1325},
   Publisher = {Routledge},
   Editor = {Gizelis, TI and Olsson, L},
   Year = {2015},
   ISBN = {1138800023},
   Key = {fds292211}
}

@misc{fds366285,
   Author = {Wilkenfeld, J and Beardsley, K and Quinn, D},
   Title = {Introduction to Research Handbook on Mediating International
             Crises},
   Pages = {1-9},
   Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
             Crises},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781788110693},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00005},
   Abstract = {This Research Handbook brings together a number of
             perspectives on the practice of mediation in the
             international system. A diversity of origins and a wide
             array of actors typify conflicts and crises today. The
             widespread availability of lethal weapons at the disposal of
             parties to conflict have made civilian populations
             tragically vulnerable as they are often caught in the
             crossfire. These circumstances require a systematic approach
             to crisis management whereby we can attempt to match the
             conditions of conflict with appropriate conflict management
             mechanisms as we seek more effective control of conflict.
             Mediation, the subject of this Research Handbook, is but one
             of a number of tools available for addressing conflict and
             crisis others include arbitration, adjudication, and
             intervention in the form of peacemaking, peacebuilding, and
             peacekeeping. We focus on mediation because we believe that
             when applied to the confluence of conditions that typify
             todays conflict and crisis arena, mediation either alone or
             in combination with other intervention mechanisms can make a
             crucial difference in whether or not the international
             community will be successful in limiting conflict and
             crisis. Let us begin first by clarifying our thoughts on
             crisis. We feel the best way to think about conflict/crisis
             is as a continuum. At some point in an ongoing conflict,
             perhaps over land or resources, control of government,
             borders between states, and so on, that conflict, whether
             interstate or intrastate, reaches crisis proportions
             widespread protests, threatening troop movements, violations
             of cease fires, or actual violence. That is, there has been
             a change in the disruptive interactions between the parties,
             resulting either in hostilities or in a higher than normal
             likelihood of violent hostilities. At that point, the
             conflict has escalated to crisis. It need not entail
             violence, but the probability that violence will ensue has
             increased.},
   Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00005},
   Key = {fds366285}
}

@misc{fds366286,
   Author = {Quinn, D and Beardsley, K and Wilkenfeld, J},
   Title = {Concluding themes and policy recommendations},
   Pages = {360-370},
   Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
             Crises},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781788110693},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00034},
   Abstract = {In this concluding chapter, we pull together the main
             findings of each of the chapters and group them so as to
             capture both the central scholarly themes of the Research
             Handbook and those insights that we believe will be of
             particular relevance to the policy community. Readers are
             encouraged to focus in on those themes that pique their
             interest, and then go to those parts of the Research
             Handbook, identified by the authors working on those themes,
             for more detailed explication of these themes. A major theme
             of this Research Handbook has been that crises in the
             international system have become increasingly complex over
             time and are perhaps even more complicated nowadays than
             during the pinnacle of ethnic conflict during the early to
             mid-1990s. This is exemplified most clearly by the dizzying
             array of actors and interests involved in recent crises in
             Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Ukraine. The trend toward
             increasing complexity can largely be attributed to a related
             increase in crises with characteristics of gray zone
             conflicts, a recent term developed to describe crises and
             conflicts that contain elements of both international
             rivalry, including among great powers, and domestic
             conflict, in which actors deliberately keep hostilities at a
             level short of war and act via proxy in order to avoid
             attribution and undesirable international
             attention.},
   Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00034},
   Key = {fds366286}
}

@misc{fds366287,
   Author = {White, PB and Cunningham, DE and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {The United Nations Security Council and conflict prevention
             in self-determination disputes},
   Pages = {167-182},
   Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
             Crises},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781788110693},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00020},
   Abstract = {There is a great deal of scholarship on the UN's response to
             violent crises, but less is known about the UN's ability to
             prevent violence from erupting in the first place. Does the
             UN respond to potential intrastate crises to prevent civil
             war and are these efforts successful? In this chapter, the
             authors argue that the answer to both of these questions is
             yes. In addition to outlining the history of and scholarship
             on UN preventative action, they discuss statistical analyses
             of self-determination disputes in which they find that the
             UN does act to prevent potential crises from becoming
             violent. They find that the UN is motivated to act primarily
             by a disputes history of violence and potential regional
             contagion. They have found also that these efforts are
             generally successful in preventing non-violent disputes from
             becoming violent. In both analyses, diplomatic action, such
             as mediation, is a central activity.},
   Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00020},
   Key = {fds366287}
}

@misc{fds366288,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Quinn, D and Wilkenfeld, J},
   Title = {Mediating complex crises},
   Pages = {23-37},
   Booktitle = {Research Handbook On Mediating International
             Crises},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781788110693},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788110709.00008},
   Abstract = {This chapter focuses on mediation in the midst of an
             evolving international system and the ways in which the
             practice of mediation has changed and could stand to change
             more in order to increase its effectiveness in managing and
             resolving crises. Increasingly, when crisis mediation
             occurs, it will involve multiple attempts. While instances
             of mediation have declined in recent years, it is actually
             more likely to occur in crises in which many actors are
             involved and where there is a mixture of state and non-state
             actors. The authors find that the ability for mediators to
             assist the crisis actors in reaching an agreement or
             otherwise attenuating their hostilities does not decline
             much under such conditions. This has clear implications for
             gray zone conflicts, which often involve many actors,
             including state and non-state ones, and potential spillover
             of intrastate to interstate crises. Mediation is most likely
             to occur when these increasingly common gray zone conditions
             are present. The authors also find that mediators tend to be
             more effective in crises nested in protracted
             conflicts.},
   Doi = {10.4337/9781788110709.00008},
   Key = {fds366288}
}


%% Journal Articles   
@article{fds292214,
   Author = {Undie, AS and Berki, AC and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Dopaminergic behaviors and signal transduction mediated
             through adenylate cyclase and phospholipase C
             pathways.},
   Journal = {Neuropharmacology},
   Volume = {39},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {75-87},
   Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
   Year = {2000},
   Month = {January},
   ISSN = {0028-3908},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0028-3908(99)00106-9},
   Abstract = {We determined the relative effects of chemical receptor
             inactivation on dopaminergic signaling through adenylate
             cyclase and phospholipase C pathways and evaluated the
             behavioral implications of such receptor manipulations.
             Groups of rats were given intraperitoneal injections of 10
             mg/kg N-ethoxycarbonyl-2-ethoxy-1,2-dihydroquinoline (EEDQ),
             a reagent that differentially inactivates neurotransmitter
             receptors. Control and treated animals were used to assess
             dopaminergic-mediated behaviors or brain tissues were
             prepared from the animals and used to assay D1-like receptor
             binding and agonist-stimulated second messenger formation.
             EEDQ decreased by 75% the number of D1-like binding sites
             and completely abolished dopamine-stimulated cyclic AMP
             formation in striatal membranes. Conversely,
             dopamine-stimulated phosphoinositide hydrolysis was
             insensitive to inactivation by EEDQ as examined over
             different durations of EEDQ treatment, in different brain
             regions, or with different concentrations of the D1-like
             receptor agonist SKF38393. EEDQ-pretreated animals lost
             their stereotypic response to apomorphine but showed
             increased vacuous jaw movements in response to apomorphine
             or SKF38393. Basal catalepsy was increased and SCH23390 was
             unable to further enhance catalepsy beyond the basal levels
             in the lesioned animals. In naive animals, SCH23390
             catalepsy was reversed by apomorphine, and apomorphine
             stereotypy was reversed by SCH23390. Taken together, the
             present results imply that the dopamine-sensitive
             phospholipase C system mediates a subset of dopaminergic
             behaviors, notably vacuous jaw movements, in contrast to
             stereotypy and catalepsy which appear to be respectively
             mediated through stimulation and inhibition of the adenylate
             cyclase-coupled dopaminergic system.},
   Doi = {10.1016/s0028-3908(99)00106-9},
   Key = {fds292214}
}

@article{fds292215,
   Author = {Beardsley, KC and Eric D. Wish, and Dawn Bonanno Fitzelle, and Kevin O'Grady, and Amelia M. Arria},
   Title = {Distance Traveled to Treatment and Client
             Retention},
   Journal = {Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment},
   Volume = {25},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {279-285},
   Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
   Year = {2003},
   ISSN = {0740-5472},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0740-5472(03)00188-0},
   Abstract = {This study examined the association between approximate
             distance traveled to treatment, and treatment completion and
             length of stay, for 1,735 clients attending outpatient
             treatment in an urban area. Clients who traveled less than 1
             mile were 50% more likely to complete treatment than clients
             who traveled more than 1 mile, after holding constant
             demographic variables and type of drug problem. Similarly,
             clients who traveled more than 4 miles were significantly
             more likely to have a shorter length of stay than clients
             who traveled less than 1 mile. These findings have important
             implications for the geographic placement of new treatment
             facilities, as well as the provision of transportation
             services to maximize treatment retention.},
   Doi = {10.1016/S0740-5472(03)00188-0},
   Key = {fds292215}
}

@article{fds292218,
   Author = {Gleditsch, KS and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Nosy neighbors: Third-party actors in Central American
             conflicts},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {48},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {379-402},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2004},
   Month = {June},
   ISSN = {0022-0027},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002704263710},
   Abstract = {Scholars argue that third parties make rational calculations
             and intervene to influence interstate dispute outcomes in
             favor of their own objectives. Third parties affect not only
             conflict outcomes but also escalation and duration. Theories
             of third-party involvement are applied to understand the
             dynamics of intrastate war. An analysis of event data for
             three Central American conflicts (El Salvador, Guatemala,
             and Nicaragua) from 1984 to 2001 is used to examine
             transnational actors' influence on the dynamics of civil
             war. Findings show that transnational third parties often
             alter levels of cooperation among domestic adversaries, and
             that consistency affects the strength and direction of
             third-party influence.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002704263710},
   Key = {fds292218}
}

@article{fds292219,
   Author = {Beardsley, KC and Quinn, DM and Biswas, B and Wilkenfeld,
             J},
   Title = {Mediation style and crisis outcomes},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {50},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {58-86},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2006},
   Month = {February},
   ISSN = {0022-0027},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002705282862},
   Abstract = {This study focuses on the varying effectiveness of three
             mediation styles - facilitation, formulation, and
             manipulation - on international crises. Effectiveness is
             assessed in terms of three outcome variables: formal
             agreement, post-crisis tension reduction, and contribution
             to crisis abatement. The authors analyze new data on the
             mediation process from the International Crisis Behavior
             project (1918-2001). Manipulation has the strongest effect
             on the likelihood of both reaching a formal agreement and
             contributing to crisis abatement. Facilitation has the
             greatest influence on increasing the prospects for lasting
             tension reduction. The authors explore how the different
             styles affect the strategic bargaining environment to
             explain these differences in impact. The findings suggest
             that mediators should use a balance of styles if they are to
             maximize their overall effectiveness. © 2006 Sage
             Publications.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002705282862},
   Key = {fds292219}
}

@article{fds292216,
   Author = {Beck, N and Gleditsch, K and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Space Is More than Geography: Using Spatial Econometrics in
             the Study of Political Economy},
   Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {50},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {27-44},
   Year = {2006},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0020-8833},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
   Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00391.x},
   Key = {fds292216}
}

@article{fds292217,
   Author = {Asal, V and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Proliferation and international crisis behavior},
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {44},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {139-155},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2007},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0022-3433},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343307075118},
   Abstract = {The literature on international conflict is divided on the
             impact of nuclear proliferation on state conflict. The
             optimists' argument contends that nuclear weapons raise the
             stakes so high that states are unlikely to go to war when
             nuclear weapons enter the equation. The pessimists rebut
             this argument, contending that new proliferators are not
             necessarily rational and that having nuclear weapons does
             not discourage war but rather makes war more dangerous.
             Focusing on one observable implication from this debate,
             this article examines the relationship between the severity
             of violence in crises and the number of involved states with
             nuclear weapons. The study contends that actors will show
             more restraint in crises involving more participants with
             nuclear weapons. Using data from the International Crisis
             Behavior (ICB) project, the results demonstrate that crises
             involving nuclear actors are more likely to end without
             violence and, as the number of nuclear actors involved
             increases, the likelihood of war continues to fall. The
             results are robust even when controlling for a number of
             factors including non-nuclear capability. In confirming that
             nuclear weapons tend to increase restraint in crises, the
             effect of nuclear weapons on strategic behavior is
             clarified. But the findings do not suggest that increasing
             the number of nuclear actors in a crisis can prevent war,
             and they cannot speak to other proliferation risks. © 2007
             Journal of Peace Research.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343307075118},
   Key = {fds292217}
}

@article{fds292221,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Agreement without peace? International mediation and time
             inconsistency problems},
   Journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {52},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {723-740},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Year = {2008},
   Month = {October},
   ISSN = {0092-5853},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00339.x},
   Abstract = {Mediation has competing short- and long-term effects. In the
             short run, the actors are better able to identify and settle
             on a mutually satisfying outcome. In the long run, mediation
             can create artificial incentives that, as the mediator's
             influence wanes and the combatants' demands change, leave
             the actors with an agreement less durable than one that
             would have been achieved without mediation. This article
             tests the observable implications from this logic using a
             set of international crises from 1918 to 2001. The results
             reconcile findings in the previous literature that
             inconsistently portray the effectiveness of mediation. ©
             2008, Midwest Political Science Association.},
   Doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00339.x},
   Key = {fds292221}
}

@article{fds292228,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Lim, JJ},
   Title = {Atoms for Peace, Redux: Energy Codependency for Sustained
             Cooperation on the Korean Peninsula},
   Journal = {Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public
             Policy},
   Volume = {15},
   Number = {1},
   Publisher = {WALTER DE GRUYTER GMBH},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1554-8597.1129},
   Doi = {10.2202/1554-8597.1129},
   Key = {fds292228}
}

@article{fds292229,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
   Title = {Winning with the bomb},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {53},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {278-301},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {April},
   ISSN = {0022-0027},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002708330386},
   Abstract = {Nuclear weapons' effects on an actor's success in coercive
             diplomacy are in part a function of how nuclear weapons
             change the perceived costs of conflict. The authors argue
             that states can improve their allotment of a good or
             convince an opponent to back down and have shorter crises if
             their opponents have greater expected costs of crisis.
             Noting that nuclear weapons increase the costs of
             full-escalation scenarios but decrease their probability, it
             is uncertain what impact nuclear weapons should have on
             expected costs of conflict. The authors assess crisis
             outcomes from 1945 to 2000 using the International Crisis
             Behavior data set. The evidence confirms that nuclear actors
             are more likely to prevail when facing a nonnuclear state.
             The expected duration of crisis in such asymmetric directed
             dyads is substantially smaller than the duration of crisis
             for actors in nonnuclear dyads. Nuclear actors in asymmetric
             dyads are also more likely to prevail than states in
             symmetric nuclear dyads. © 2009 SAGE Publications.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002708330386},
   Key = {fds292229}
}

@article{fds292230,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Asal, V},
   Title = {Nuclear weapons as shields},
   Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
   Volume = {26},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {235-255},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {July},
   ISSN = {0738-8942},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894209104550},
   Abstract = {What security benefits do nuclear weapons provide to their
             possessors? After accounting for two potential selection
             effects, the empirical evidence from all international
             crises from 1945 to 2000 indicates that opponents of
             nuclear-weapon states demonstrate restraint in turning to
             violent aggression. Nuclear weapons, however, have little
             effect on overall crisis occurrence.The authors also explore
             the behavioral effects of nuclear-weapons programs and find
             that program states have a higher proclivity for crisis
             occurrence. © 2009 The Author(s).},
   Doi = {10.1177/0738894209104550},
   Key = {fds292230}
}

@article{fds292232,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Intervention without leverage: Explaining the prevalence of
             weak mediators},
   Journal = {International Interactions},
   Volume = {35},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {272-297},
   Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {July},
   ISSN = {0305-0629},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620903084547},
   Abstract = {Existing research on international mediation emphasizes the
             importance of leverage in altering the combatants' ability
             to reach a negotiated settlement. Less understood is the
             role of third parties that do not have access to sources of
             leverage even though they comprise a substantial amount of
             mediation efforts. This paper highlights two potential
             explanations for the prevalence of "weak" mediators. First,
             a choice of third parties without leverage might be a
             product of the "supply side" preferences of the
             international community, in particular, the great powers.
             Second, the inclusion of third parties without any leverage
             can result from actors hedging their commitments to the
             peace process when they suspect with some uncertainty that
             one side will use third-party involvement insincerely for
             ends other than peace. Using data from the Managing
             Intrastate Low Level Conflicts (MILC) project, in
             conjunction with the PRIO/UPPSALA Armed Conflict data,
             empirical results using competing risk models confirm both
             logics. Mediators with weak leverage are more likely when an
             actor has strong incentives to stall: specifically, when the
             immediate costs of conflict are high, there is domestic
             political pressure in the absence of democratic
             accountability, and relative bargaining power is shifting.
             The findings also suggest that supply-side dynamics matter.
             Weak mediators are less likely in the presence of
             substantial foreign investment and in neighborhoods with
             strong states, but mediators of all types are more likely in
             democratic neighborhoods. To further explore the role of
             insincere motivations, the paper considers the 2002
             Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) in Sri Lanka, brokered by Norway.
             © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.},
   Doi = {10.1080/03050620903084547},
   Key = {fds292232}
}

@article{fds292220,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Greig, JM},
   Title = {Symposium:Disaggregating the incentives of conflict
             management: Disaggregating the incentives of conflict
             management: An introduction},
   Journal = {International Interactions},
   Volume = {35},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {243-248},
   Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {July},
   ISSN = {0305-0629},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620903084497},
   Doi = {10.1080/03050620903084497},
   Key = {fds292220}
}

@article{fds292231,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and McQuinn, B},
   Title = {Rebel groups as predatory organizations: The political
             effects of the 2004 Tsunami in Indonesia and Sri
             Lanka},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {53},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {624-645},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {August},
   ISSN = {0022-0027},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002709336460},
   Abstract = {In this article we propose a new typology for insurgent
             groups to explain why in such remarkably similar
             conflicts-Sri Lanka and Aceh-the impact of the 2004 Indian
             Ocean Tsunami was so different. We argue that two principal
             factors shape all rebel groups by defining their incentive
             structures: the efficiency of the return on investment of
             the primary source(s) of support and the group's territorial
             objectives. The former factor is especially strong in
             explaining the different choices made by the LTTE and GAM.
             In Sri Lanka, the availability of lucrative resources
             outside the country has made the LTTE leadership inimical to
             compromise, threatened by relief aid, and less reliant on
             the local population. Lacking access to such high-return
             funding sources, GAM on the other hand was more closely
             linked to the needs of the local population and found
             greater value in both outside aid and a comprehensive
             settlement. © 2009 The Author(s).},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002709336460},
   Key = {fds292231}
}

@article{fds292233,
   Author = {Beardsley, KC},
   Title = {Pain, pressure and political cover: Explaining mediation
             incidence},
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {47},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {395-406},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2010},
   Month = {July},
   ISSN = {0022-3433},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309356384},
   Abstract = {This article explores the effect of domestic and
             international politics on the choice of mediation as a
             conflict management strategy in international crises.
             Existing work has yet to fully explore how domestic and
             international audiences shape the combatants' preferences
             for mediation. With regard to domestic pressures, combatants
             often desire mediation as political cover for unpalatable
             concessions. That is, intermediaries might obscure
             responsibility for disappointing outcomes or signal the
             prudence of compromise. In terms of international audiences,
             affected third parties eager to shape the resolution outcome
             might lobby to serve as a mediator. Since both domestic and
             international audiences are affected by the crisis severity,
             the article also explores how the pain of fighting
             conditions the effect of international and domestic
             political pressures. Empirical analysis of international
             crises since World War I confirms that potential domestic
             audience costs for seeking peace and the propensity for
             concessions positively affect the probability of mediation.
             Less clear is the role of third-party incentives; the
             results indicate that a higher potential for
             neighboring-state intervention actually decreases the
             likelihood of mediation. Consistent with previous studies,
             conflict costs increase mediation incidence, and the
             findings also indicate that at high costs of conflict,
             states appear in less need of political cover for making
             concessions. © The Author(s) 2010.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343309356384},
   Key = {fds292233}
}

@article{fds292234,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Peacekeeping and the contagion of armed conflict},
   Journal = {Journal of Politics},
   Volume = {73},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {1051-1064},
   Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
   Year = {2011},
   Month = {October},
   ISSN = {0022-3816},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611000764},
   Abstract = {Existing scholarship has characterized the severity of and
             mechanisms behind the problem of conflict contagion but not
             how to address it. Although studies of peacekeeping have
             demonstrated that it can prevent conflict recurrence, we
             know little about whether international actors can also help
             prevent conflict from spreading. Using event history
             analysis that incorporates information from neighboring
             observations, the empirical findings indicate that the
             expected risk of armed conflict increases by over 70% when
             peacekeepers are not deployed to a recent neighboring
             conflict but does not significantly rise when neighboring
             peacekeepers are deployed. One of the key means by which
             peacekeeping helps contain conflict is through addressing
             problems related to transnational movement of and support
             for insurgencies, thereby specifically preventing intrastate
             conflict from increasing the propensity for new intrastate
             conflict nearby. Moreover, both lighter and more substantial
             peacekeeping deployments can prevent conflict diffusion. ©
             Copyright Southern Political Science Association
             2011.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S0022381611000764},
   Key = {fds292234}
}

@article{fds292235,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Schmidt, H},
   Title = {Following the Flag or Following the Charter? Examining the
             Determinants of UN Involvement in International Crises,
             1945-2002},
   Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {56},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {33-49},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2012},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0020-8833},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00696.x},
   Abstract = {This paper compares the explanatory power of two models of
             UN intervention behavior: (i) an "organizational mission
             model" built around the proposition that variations in the
             amount of resources that the UN devotes to different
             conflicts primarily reflect the degree to which a conflict
             poses a challenge to the UN's organizational mandate of
             promoting international peace and stability and (ii) a
             "parochial interest model" that revolves around the purely
             private interests of the five veto-holding members of the UN
             Security Council (the so-called P-5), i.e., interests that
             are either unrelated to or at odds with the UN's
             organizational mandate. Examining data on UN conflict
             management efforts in more than 270 international crises
             between 1945 and 2002, we find that measures of the severity
             and escalatory potential of a conflict are significantly
             better predictors of the extent of UN involvement in
             international crises than variables that measure P-5
             interests that do not align with the UN's organizational
             mission of acting as a global peacemaker. This suggests that
             the UN adheres more closely to the humanitarian and security
             mission laid out in its Charter than critics of the
             organization often suggest. © 2011 International Studies
             Association.},
   Doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00696.x},
   Key = {fds292235}
}

@article{fds292236,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {UN intervention and the duration of international
             crises},
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {49},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {335-349},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2012},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {0022-3433},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311431599},
   Abstract = {This article examines the effect of UN actions on the
             duration of international crises. Four different types of
             action - assurance, diplomatic engagement, military
             involvement, and intimidation - and three different outcomes
             - compromise, victory, and stalemate - are considered. After
             building on the existing literature to develop expectations
             of how a third party like the UN shapes crisis trajectories,
             hypotheses are tested using the International Crisis
             Behavior (ICB) data and a new events dataset on UN activity.
             Results from competing-risks models reveal that UN military
             involvement does well to decrease the risk of one side
             achieving victory, and diplomatic engagement increases the
             ability of the belligerents to reach a compromise in the
             long run. Moreover, diplomatic engagement accompanied by
             military involvement substantially hastens the pace of
             stalemate outcomes. Both tactics, however, have some
             trade-offs. Military involvement can decrease the sense of
             urgency for compromise; diplomatic engagement can be used
             for insincere motives and increase the risk of one-sided
             victory over time. UN actions of assurance and simple
             intimidation have considerable shortcomings as crisis
             management vehicles. © Peace Research Institute Oslo
             2012.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343311431599},
   Key = {fds292236}
}

@article{fds292238,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Using the Right Tool for the Job: Mediator Leverage and
             Conflict Resolution},
   Journal = {Penn State Journal of Law and International
             Affairs},
   Volume = {2},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {57-65},
   Year = {2013},
   url = {http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/jlia/vol2/iss1/8/},
   Key = {fds292238}
}

@article{fds292237,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Lo, N},
   Title = {Democratic Communities and Third-Party Conflict
             Management},
   Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
   Volume = {30},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {76-93},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2013},
   Month = {February},
   ISSN = {0738-8942},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212456954},
   Abstract = {We explore how the domestic political institutions of states
             in the neighborhood of international disputants affect the
             incentives for third-party conflict management. Existing
             scholarship has argued that as the number of democracies in
             the international system increases, disputants are more
             likely to want and find third-party conflict management. We
             propose two alternative explanations for the connection
             between democratization and changing patterns of conflict
             management that consider more localized mechanisms. We posit
             that neighboring democratic leaders, with stronger
             incentives to deliver public benefits, will be more willing
             to push for their involvement as third parties, particularly
             when the disputes are sufficiently salient to affect
             regional security dynamics yet not so difficult that
             protracted engagement is likely. We also posit that, since
             international organizations (IOs) tend to be more engaged in
             democratic communities, IOs will be more active peacemakers
             in disputes, especially intractable and violent ones, that
             occur in heavily democratic regions. Using event history
             analysis of the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) data, we find
             support for these arguments. Disputants with many democratic
             neighbors are more likely to experience third-party conflict
             management by democracies-this effect is increasing in the
             salience and decreasing in the intractability of the
             dispute-and IOs-this effect is increasing in the
             intractability of the dispute. Counter to expectations based
             on a logic of norm diffusion, third-party conflict
             management is not more likely among democracies that are in
             dispute with each other nor when the proportion of
             democracies in the international system increases. © The
             Author(s) 2013.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0738894212456954},
   Key = {fds292237}
}

@article{fds292239,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {The UN at the peacemaking-peacebuilding nexus},
   Journal = {Conflict Management and Peace Science},
   Volume = {30},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {369-386},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2013},
   Month = {September},
   ISSN = {0738-8942},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894213491354},
   Abstract = {The UN Security Council (UNSC) confronts at least three
             challenges in translating its actions during armed conflict
             into more durable peace after conflict. First, heavy-handed
             interventions such as military deployments and sanctions can
             impede the ability of the disputants to identify and reach a
             self-sustaining settlement when there is insufficient
             follow-through. Second, coordination problems can arise in
             handing off peacemaking activities from actors in the
             Secretariat to the UNSC when post-conflict security
             guarantees and continuous engagement are needed. Third,
             explicit attempts by the UNSC to produce peace and stability
             make it susceptible to the problem of cheap talk when it
             proclaims its concerns. After characterizing these problems
             in theory and generating observable implications, the paper
             uses original data on UNSC resolutions to test the
             hypotheses. The results indicate that the UN can succeed as
             a short-term peacemaker, particularly when it relies on
             diplomatic engagement and sanctions. However, when there is
             not adequate follow-through in the form of peacekeeping, the
             UN struggles to improve the long-term prospects of peace in
             part because it tends to promote stop-gap ceasefire
             resolutions. With peacekeeping, active UN involvement during
             conflict can promote long-term stability. Half measures such
             as condemnations have little effect on the stability of
             peace. © The Author(s) 2013.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0738894213491354},
   Key = {fds292239}
}

@article{fds292240,
   Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or
             Informed Policymaking?},
   Journal = {International Interactions},
   Volume = {39},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {461-488},
   Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
   Year = {2013},
   Month = {September},
   ISSN = {0305-0629},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.805131},
   Abstract = {Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution
             1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for
             peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption,
             UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender
             balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of
             female peacekeepers during the decade 2000-2010 and
             variation in the distribution patterns of female military
             personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers
             are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the
             greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement.
             Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of
             peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing
             countries, which might not have bought into the gender
             balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN
             Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female
             military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is
             least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most
             needed-where sexual violence and gender equity has been a
             major problem-and we find only a modest effect of having
             specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.
             © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group,
             LLC.},
   Doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.805131},
   Key = {fds292240}
}

@article{fds292227,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Lo, N},
   Title = {Third-Party Conflict Management and the Willingness to Make
             Concessions},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {58},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {363-392},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2014},
   Month = {January},
   ISSN = {0022-0027},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712467932},
   Abstract = {Third-party conflict management, particularly legal dispute
             resolution (arbitration and adjudication) and mediation, can
             help improve the willingness of disputants to make
             asymmetric concessions by ameliorating commitment problems
             and providing political cover. In both regards, and
             especially pertaining to commitment problems, mediation has
             substantial limitations when compared to legal dispute
             resolution. We develop these arguments and test the
             observable implications on the Issue Correlates of War data.
             To get traction on the mechanisms at work, we distinguish
             between challenger concessions and defender concessions,
             positing that challenger concessions face the primary hurdle
             of political cover while defender concessions face the
             primary hurdle of commitment problems. We find that legal
             dispute resolution strongly increases the propensity for
             concessions by both challengers and targets, even major
             asymmetric concessions. Mediation, on the other hand, only
             helps increase minor challenger concessions. Also consistent
             with expectations, mediation best enables asymmetric
             challenger concessions in the highly salient cases that need
             the most political cover, and legal dispute resolution best
             enables asymmetric concessions when there has been a history
             of failed conflict management attempts that perpetuate
             mistrust. © The Author(s) 2013.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002712467932},
   Key = {fds292227}
}

@article{fds292213,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Gleditsch, KS},
   Title = {Peacekeeping as conflict containment},
   Journal = {International Studies Review},
   Volume = {17},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {67-89},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {March},
   ISSN = {1521-9488},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12205},
   Abstract = {A rich literature has developed focusing on the efficacy of
             peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in a temporal sense - asking
             whether the periods following a deployment are more peaceful
             or not. We know less about the efficacy of PKOs in a spatial
             sense. Can peacekeeping shape the geographic dispersion of
             particular episodes of violence? We posit that PKOs can
             contain conflict by decreasing the tactical advantage of
             mobility for the rebels, by obstructing the movement of
             armed actors, and by altering the ability for governments to
             seek and confront rebel actors. We investigate the
             observable implications using georeferenced conflict
             polygons from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program's (UCDP)
             Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED). Our findings confirm that
             PKOs tend to decrease movement in the conflict polygons,
             especially when robust forces are deployed and when rebel
             groups have strong ethnic ties. Our findings, on the one
             hand, imply that PKOs reduce the geographic scope of
             violence. On the other hand, PKOs may allow nonstate actors
             to gain strength and legitimacy and thus constitute an even
             greater future threat to the state whether some form of
             accord is not reached.},
   Doi = {10.1111/misr.12205},
   Key = {fds292213}
}

@article{fds292212,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Gleditsch, KS and Lo, N},
   Title = {Roving Bandits? The Geographical Evolution of African Armed
             Conflicts},
   Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {59},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {503-516},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2015},
   Month = {September},
   ISSN = {0020-8833},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12196},
   Abstract = {The fighting in some civil wars primarily takes place in a
             few stable locations, while the fighting in others moves
             substantially. We posit that rebel groups that do not
             primarily fight for a specific ethnic group, that receive
             outside military assistance, or that have relatively weak
             fighting capacity tend to fight in inconsistent locations.
             We develop new measures of conflict zone movement to test
             our hypotheses, based on shifts in the conflict polygons
             derived from the new Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED)
             developed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). Our
             empirical results provide support for the suggested
             mechanisms. We find that groups which lack strong ethnic
             ties and sufficient military strength to compete with
             government forces in conventional warfare fight in more
             varied locations. These findings improve our understandings
             of and expectations for variations in the humanitarian
             footprint of armed conflicts, the interdependencies between
             rebel groups and local populations, and the dilemmas faced
             by government counterinsurgency efforts.},
   Doi = {10.1111/isqu.12196},
   Key = {fds292212}
}

@article{fds320678,
   Author = {Karim, S and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Explaining sexual exploitation and abuse in peacekeeping
             missions: The role of female peacekeepers and gender
             equality in contributing countries},
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {53},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {100-115},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343315615506},
   Abstract = {Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) is an endemic problem in
             UN peacekeeping missions. It is not only a gross human
             rights violation, but also threatens to challenge the
             legitimacy of the peacekeeping mission and undermines the
             promotion of gender equality in host countries. We examine
             if the composition of peacekeeping forces along two
             dimensions – the proportion of women and the records of
             gender (in)equality in the contributing countries – helps
             explain variation in SEA allegations. Analysis of
             mission-level information from 2009 to 2013 indicates that
             including higher proportions of both female peacekeepers and
             personnel from countries with better records of gender
             equality is associated with lower levels of SEA allegations
             reported against military contingents. We conclude that
             substantial reductions in SEA perpetrated by peacekeepers
             requires cultivation of a value for gender equality among
             all peacekeepers – improving the representation of women
             may help but still stops short of addressing the root of the
             problem.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343315615506},
   Key = {fds320678}
}

@article{fds320677,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {The known knowns and known unknowns of peacekeeping data:
             Advances in the analysis of contributor-level peacekeeping
             data, with a focus on gender data},
   Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
   Volume = {24},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {9-13},
   Publisher = {Informa UK Limited},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2016.1226768C},
   Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2016.1226768C},
   Key = {fds320677}
}

@article{fds292224,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Cunningham, DE and White, PB},
   Title = {Resolving Civil Wars before They Start: The un Security
             Council and Conflict Prevention in Self-Determination
             Disputes},
   Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {47},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {675-697},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {July},
   ISSN = {1469-2112},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123415000307},
   Abstract = {A large literature has demonstrated that international
             action can promote the resolution of civil wars. However,
             international actors do not wait until violence starts to
             seek to manage conflicts. This article considers the ways in
             which the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reduces the
             propensity for self-determination movements to escalate to
             civil war, through actions that directly pertain to the
             disputing actors or that indirectly shape actor incentives.
             It examines the relationship between the content of UNSC
             resolutions in all self-determination disputes from 1960 to
             2005 and the onset of armed conflict in the disputes. The
             study finds that diplomatic actions that directly address
             disputes reduce the likelihood of armed conflict, and that
             military force and sanctions have more indirect preventive
             effects.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S0007123415000307},
   Key = {fds292224}
}

@article{fds332877,
   Author = {White, PB and Cunningham, DE and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Where, when, and how does the UN work to prevent civil war
             in self-determination disputes?},
   Journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
   Volume = {55},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {380-394},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {May},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317744826},
   Abstract = {The UN has placed rhetorical emphasis on the prevention of
             armed conflict before it starts and has taken selective
             action toward that end. What determines where the UN gets
             involved? We examine UN preventive actions by focusing on UN
             Security Council (UNSC) resolutions in self-determination
             (SD) disputes. We argue that UN decisionmakers consider at
             least three factors when deciding where to target preventive
             action: the dispute’s conflict history, the potential for
             regional contagion, and the characteristics of the dispute.
             We further argue that the political dynamics of UNSC
             decisionmaking constrain the UN’s ability to pay attention
             to the third factor (the characteristics of the dispute). We
             test this argument using data on all UNSC resolutions
             comprising the authorization of diplomatic engagement,
             condemnation, the authorization of sanctions, and the
             deployment of force targeted toward SD disputes from 1960 to
             2005. We find that the UN is much more likely to act in
             nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence and in
             disputes with a potential for regional contagion. The
             analysis shows that, while political barriers likely
             restrict the ability for the UNSC to act when dispute-level
             characteristics suggest armed conflict is more likely, the
             UN does act proactively to prevent violence, rather than
             just reactively responding to existing violence.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022343317744826},
   Key = {fds332877}
}

@article{fds340594,
   Author = {Karim, S and Gilligan, MJ and Blair, R and Beardsley,
             K},
   Title = {International gender balancing reforms in postconflict
             countries: Lab-in-the-field evidence from the Liberian
             national police},
   Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {62},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {618-631},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {September},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqy009},
   Abstract = {In the aftermath of civil conflict, war-torn states often
             require reform of their government institutions. Gender
             balancing, or the inclusion of more women in security-sector
             institutions, is an increasingly common reform incorporated
             into state-building processes. Our theoretical priors
             suggest that gender balancing may influence unit cohesion,
             operational effectiveness with respect to sexual and
             gender-based violence, and organizational gender norms. We
             study these propositions using laboratory experiments with
             police officers of the Liberian National Police (LNP). We
             randomly assigned the proportions of women and men in 102
             groups of six LNP officers to observe their deliberative
             processes and group choices. In our experiment, adding more
             women increased unit cohesion, but we find no evidence to
             suggest that simply adding more women would increase group
             (or individual) sensitivity to sexual and gender-based
             violence. We also find that, despite an increase in
             participation and influence by women, male beliefs about
             women's role in policing do not improve with the inclusion
             of women. As one of the first experimental studies to assess
             the effects of gender composition within the actual
             population of interest, our results shed light on how
             international interventions to address gender equality in
             postconflict countries affect important outcomes related to
             security.},
   Doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy009},
   Key = {fds340594}
}

@article{fds342357,
   Author = {Webster, K and Chen, C and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Conflict, Peace, and the Evolution of Women's
             Empowerment},
   Journal = {International Organization},
   Volume = {73},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {255-289},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818319000055},
   Abstract = {How do periods of conflict and peace shape women's
             empowerment around the world? While existing studies have
             demonstrated that gender inequalities contribute to the
             propensity for armed conflict, we consider how the
             anticipation and realization of armed conflict shape women's
             opportunities for influence in society. Some scholars have
             pointed to the role that militarization and threat play in
             entrenching male dominance, while others have argued that
             periods of warfare can upend existing gender hierarchical
             orders. We posit mechanisms by which the preparation for and
             experiences during war affect change in women's empowerment.
             We develop and test observable implications using
             cross-national data from 1900 to 2015. We find that, at
             least in the short and medium term, warfare can disrupt
             social institutions and lead to an increase in women's
             empowerment via mechanisms related to role shifts across
             society and political shifts catalyzed by war. Reforming
             institutions and mainstreaming gender during peace processes
             stand to have important legacies for gender power relations
             in postconflict societies, though much more may be needed
             for more permanent change.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S0020818319000055},
   Key = {fds342357}
}

@article{fds340955,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Cunningham, DE and White, PB},
   Title = {Mediation, Peacekeeping, and the Severity of Civil
             War},
   Journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
   Volume = {63},
   Number = {7},
   Pages = {1682-1709},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718817092},
   Abstract = {One of the proposed benefits of third-party involvement that
             has been offered to justify its use is that it helps reduce
             the severity of conflict. Existing work finding that
             peacekeeping operations reduce battle-related fatalities
             considers peacekeeping in isolation from other forms of
             third-party diplomatic involvement, such as mediation. We
             argue that mediation has its own effect on patterns of
             violence. Moreover, we argue that peacekeeping and mediation
             can have an interactive effect, in which each enhance the
             violence-reducing potential of the other. Using monthly data
             on battle-related deaths in African intrastate conflicts, we
             find that mediation is associated with reduced bloodshed. We
             also find, consistent with existing work, that a greater
             number of peacekeepers leads to a reduction in violence. In
             addition, we find that mediation and peacekeeping efforts
             reinforce one another, although each type of involvement is
             able to reduce battlefield fatalities independently.},
   Doi = {10.1177/0022002718817092},
   Key = {fds340955}
}

@article{fds349472,
   Author = {Beardsley, K and Liu, H and Mucha, PJ and Siegel, DA and Tellez,
             JF},
   Title = {Hierarchy and the provision of order in international
             politics},
   Journal = {Journal of Politics},
   Volume = {82},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {731-746},
   Publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {April},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707096},
   Abstract = {The anarchic international system is actually heavily
             structured: Communities of states join together for common
             benefit; strong states form hierarchical relationships with
             weak states to enforce order and achieve preferred outcomes.
             Breaking from prior research, we conceptualize structures
             such as community and hierarchy as properties of networks of
             states’ interactions that can capture unobserved
             constraints in state behavior, constraints that may reduce
             conflict. We offer two claims. One, common membership in
             trade communities pacifies to the extent that breaking trade
             ties would entail high switching costs: Thus, we expect
             heavy arms trade, more than most types of commercial trade,
             to reduce intracommunity conflict. Two, this is driven by
             hierarchical communities in which strong states can use high
             switching costs as leverage to constrain conflict between
             weaker states in the community. We find empirical support
             for these claims using a timedependent multilayer network
             model and a new measure of hierarchy based on network
             centrality.},
   Doi = {10.1086/707096},
   Key = {fds349472}
}

@article{fds353327,
   Author = {WEBSTER, K and TORRES, P and CHEN, C and BEARDSLEY,
             K},
   Title = {Ethnic and gender hierarchies in the crucible of
             war},
   Journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
   Volume = {64},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {710-722},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {September},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa031},
   Abstract = {Recent scholarship shows war can catalyze reforms related to
             gender power imbalances, but what about reforms related to
             ethnic inequalities? While war can disrupt the political,
             social and economic institutions at the root of ethnic
             hierarchy-just as it can shake up the institutions at the
             root of gender hierarchy-war is also prone to have either a
             reinforcing effect or a pendulum effect. Our project uses
             data from the Varieties of Democracy project to examine
             specific manifestations of changes in gender and ethnic
             civil-liberty equality (1900-2015). Interstate war, but not
             intrastate war, tends to be followed by gains in ethnic
             civil-liberty equality, and intrastate war tends to be
             followed by long-term gains in gender civil-liberty
             equality. Wars with government losses are prone to lead to
             improvements in civil-liberty equality along both
             dimensions. In considering overlapping gender and ethnic
             hierarchies, we find that when wars open up space for gains
             in gender equality, they also facilitate gains in equality
             for excluded ethnic groups.},
   Doi = {10.1093/isq/sqaa031},
   Key = {fds353327}
}

@article{fds350214,
   Author = {Chen, C and Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Once and Future Peacemakers: Continuity of Third-party
             Involvement in Civil War Peace Processes},
   Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
   Volume = {28},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {285-311},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2020.1768074},
   Abstract = {Despite the importance of having continuity in third-party
             involvement, many third parties lack the ability to commit
             as long-term peace guarantors. We argue that non-state
             actors and third parties with vested interests in peace and
             stability will be more likely to sustain involvement in
             post-conflict periods. Analysis of monthly level data from
             the Managing Intrastate Conflict (MIC) project confirms that
             third parties that have had wartime experience as conflict
             managers are more likely to get involved in post-conflict
             peace processes, regardless of whether the conflict
             management is in the form of peacekeeping missions,
             mediation or good offices; regardless of whether the third
             party is geographically proximate; and regardless of whether
             the third party is a state or non-state actor. The results
             also confirm that third-party geographic proximity and other
             measures of vested interests additively increase the
             propensity for postwar involvement. However, wartime
             conflict management experience matters less for third
             parties with vested interests, suggesting the additional
             importance of demand-side determinants of third-party
             conflict management.},
   Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2020.1768074},
   Key = {fds350214}
}

@article{fds357622,
   Author = {Beardsley, K},
   Title = {Clarifying the mediation dilemma: A response to “Sticks
             and carrots for peace”},
   Journal = {Research & Politics},
   Volume = {8},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {205316802110270-205316802110270},
   Publisher = {SAGE Publications},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211027017},
   Abstract = {This brief essay considers the “mediation dilemma” in
             the light of new analysis by Constantin Ruhe and Iris Volg.
             Ruhe and Volg’s analysis adds to our understanding of
             manipulative mediation in two important ways: (a) it
             demonstrates how an analysis that uses a lens of survival
             functions clarifies the policy trade-offs beyond what is
             possible from an analysis that uses a lens of changing
             hazard rates; and (b) it demonstrates that lighter
             (nonmanipulative) forms of mediation have a less positive
             effect on peace stability than in the original analysis.
             This response also offers important corrections to the
             conclusions drawn by Ruhe and Volg: (a) ignoring the lens of
             changing hazard rates misses key ways of testing for the
             observable implications that arise from the underlying
             theoretical arguments; (b) Ruhe and Volg misstate some of
             the theoretical claims made by Beardsley; and (c) almost all
             of the original implications explored by Beardsley remain
             supported.},
   Doi = {10.1177/20531680211027017},
   Key = {fds357622}
}

@article{fds365238,
   Author = {Mahmood, Z and Beardsley, K and Newton, C and Roy, C and Kathman, JD and Tucker, C and Nomikos, WG and Villa, DN and Binder, M and Allen, S and Yuen, A and Passmore, TJA and Shannon, M and Hultman, L and Chapman,
             TL},
   Title = {The United Nations After 75: Assessing Current
             Understandings, Charting Fruitful Research
             Agendas},
   Journal = {International Peacekeeping},
   Volume = {29},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {551-623},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2098650},
   Abstract = {From its capacity for deploying joint operations in conflict
             zones to its status as a standard-bearing forum for
             international behaviour, the United Nations has asserted its
             relevance in a diverse array of issues and conflicts around
             the world. Equally as diverse has been the scholarship
             surrounding the United Nations over the past several
             decades. This collection of essays provides a snapshot of
             these diverse lines of scholarship, highlighting existing
             scholarship on a range of topics, as well as identifying
             areas of opportunity for future scholarly work on these
             topics. Taken as a whole, this forum more broadly provides
             insight into core pillars of the United Nations'
             mission--including the maintenance of peace and security;
             fostering friendly relations between nations; promoting
             human rights and humanitarian goals; and encouraging
             cooperation and harmonization of interests between nations.
             Moving forward, it is our hope that this collection will
             serve as a sprigboard for inspiring future work to both
             build and expand upon the insights from the past several
             decades of scholarship on the United Nations.},
   Doi = {10.1080/13533312.2022.2098650},
   Key = {fds365238}
}

@article{fds363119,
   Author = {Blair, RA and Karim, SM and Gilligan, MJ and Beardsley,
             K},
   Title = {Policing Ethnicity: Lab-in-the-Field Evidence on
             Discrimination, Cooperation, and Ethnic Balancing in the
             Liberian National Police},
   Journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {17},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {141-181},
   Publisher = {Now Publishers},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {April},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00019226},
   Abstract = {Ethnic balancing in the security sector increasingly
             accompanies power sharing agreements after civil war, but
             new challenges arise as these institutions must sustain
             cooperation amidst increasing ethnic heterogeneity.
             Inclusive involvement in security sector institutions may
             reduce discrimination against minority groups. But pressure
             to assimilate may also foment "loyalty conflict" among
             minority group members, exacerbating discrimination. We test
             these competing logics using surveys and lab-in-the-field
             experiments with teams of Liberian National Police officers.
             Consistent with a logic of loyalty conflict, we find that
             teams with minority police officers are more rather than
             less discriminatory against minority civilians. This effect
             is not driven by heterogeneity, but rather by the presence
             of minority police officers per se. We also find that teams
             that include minority police officers are no more or less
             cooperative than those that do not, and that heterogeneous
             teams are no more or less cooperative than homogeneous ones.
             We argue that these effects are likely a result of
             professionalization processes that encourage conformity and
             loyalty to an existing police subculture.},
   Doi = {10.1561/100.00019226},
   Key = {fds363119}
}

@article{fds364963,
   Author = {Chen, C and Roberts, J and Adhikari, S and Asal, V and Beardsley, K and Gonzalez, E and Jahanbani, N and James, P and Lobell, SE and Ripsman,
             NM and Silverstone, S and Van Wijk and A},
   Title = {Tipping Points: Challenges in Analyzing International Crisis
             Escalation},
   Journal = {International Studies Review},
   Volume = {24},
   Number = {3},
   Publisher = {Oxford University Press (OUP)},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {September},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viac024},
   Abstract = {Why do some near crises tip over into full-blown crisis and
             others do not? This paper considers existing scholarship and
             identifies four key barriers to using quantitative analysis
             for tipping-point analyses: strategic indeterminacy; the
             incentives for conflict parties to avoid inefficiencies; the
             paucity of cases; and the availability of quality data. Due
             to these challenges, many do not perform well as immediate
             causes for crisis escalation. We also argue and demonstrate
             through two quantitative models of crisis escalation that
             some variables, particularly related to domestic politics,
             can do well in explaining why some disputes tip into crisis
             and others do not. As we illustrate with reference to the
             1995-1996 Third Taiwan Straits Crisis, qualitative
             approaches that analyze the processes by which leaders and
             foreign policy institutions make decisions add needed
             explanatory power to purely quantitative models of the
             potential for near crises to tip into crisis.},
   Doi = {10.1093/isr/viac024},
   Key = {fds364963}
}


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