Publications of Ashley Jardina    :chronological  alphabetical  combined listing:

%% Books   
@book{fds353437,
   Author = {Jardina, A},
   Title = {White identity politics},
   Pages = {1-368},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   ISBN = {9781108475525},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108645157},
   Abstract = {Amidst discontent over America's growing diversity, many
             white Americans now view the political world through the
             lens of a racial identity. Whiteness was once thought to be
             invisible because of whites' dominant position and ability
             to claim the mainstream, but today a large portion of whites
             actively identify with their racial group and support
             policies and candidates that they view as protecting whites'
             power and status. In White Identity Politics, Ashley Jardina
             offers a landmark analysis of emerging patterns of white
             identity and collective political behavior, drawing on
             sweeping data. Where past research on whites' racial
             attitudes emphasized out-group hostility, Jardina brings
             into focus the significance of in-group identity and
             favoritism. White Identity Politics shows that disaffected
             whites are not just found among the working class; they make
             up a broad proportion of the American public- with profound
             implications for political behavior and the future of racial
             conflict in America.},
   Doi = {10.1017/9781108645157},
   Key = {fds353437}
}


%% Chapters in Books   
@misc{fds335623,
   Author = {Burns, N and Schlozman, KL and Jardina, A and Shames, S and Verba,
             S},
   Title = {What's happened to the gender gap in political
             participation?: How might we explain it?},
   Pages = {69-104},
   Booktitle = {100 Years of the Nineteenth Amendment: An Appraisal of
             Women's Political Activism},
   Year = {2018},
   Month = {February},
   ISBN = {9780190265144},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0004},
   Abstract = {At some point in the middle of the first decade of the
             twenty-first century, a stubbornly persistent gender gap in
             US political activity more or less vanished, fulfilling one
             part of the aspiration of women's suffrage. This chapter
             asks why, seeking answers both in changes that have nothing
             to do with politics and in politics itself. As is typical
             when considering political participation, our account
             involves the interaction of several processes rather than a
             single cause. The most important transformation has been the
             increase in women's education: women are now more likely
             than men to earn college and graduate degrees. In addition,
             a striking increase has taken place in the presence of women
             as high-profile and successful office seekers, especially
             since 1992. During a critical period in the 1990s, an influx
             of female candidates and elected officials appears to have
             kept the gender gap in participation from being even
             wider.},
   Doi = {10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0004},
   Key = {fds335623}
}


%% Journal Articles   
@article{fds356456,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Piston, S},
   Title = {The Effects of Dehumanizing Attitudes about Black People on
             Whites' Voting Decisions},
   Journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
   Volume = {52},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {1076-1098},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123421000089},
   Abstract = {Political scientists have long noted the key role racial
             attitudes can play in electoral politics. However, the 2016
             election of Donald Trump raises questions about prevailing
             theories of racial attitudes and their political effects.
             While existing research focuses on 'cultural' or 'modern'
             forms of racial prejudice, this article argues that a
             sizeable portion of White Americans, disturbingly,
             dehumanize Black people: that is, they view Black people as
             less than fully human. Unsurprisingly, given the blatant
             racism of Donald Trump's campaign, this study also
             demonstrates that dehumanizing attitudes toward Black people
             are more strongly associated with support for Trump than
             with support for other candidates in the 2016 Republican
             primary. The authors also find evidence that dehumanizing
             attitudes toward Black people bolstered Donald Trump's vote
             share among Whites in the 2016 presidential election.
             Finally, dehumanizing attitudes are negatively associated
             with Whites' evaluations of Barack Obama, even after holding
             standard measures of racial prejudice constant. These
             findings suggest that a fundamental form of racism -
             dehumanizing attitudes toward Black people - can powerfully
             shape candidate evaluations and voting decisions in the
             twenty-first century.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S0007123421000089},
   Key = {fds356456}
}

@article{fds363931,
   Author = {Schuldt, JP and Pearson, AR and Lewis, NA and Jardina, A and Enns,
             PK},
   Title = {Inequality and Misperceptions of Group Concerns Threaten the
             Integrity and Societal Impact of Science},
   Journal = {The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
             Science},
   Volume = {700},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {195-207},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162221086883},
   Abstract = {Racial and ethnic minority and lower-income groups are
             disproportionately affected by environmental hazards and
             suffer worse health outcomes than other groups in the United
             States. Relative to whites and higher-income groups,
             racial-ethnic minority and lower-income Americans also
             frequently express greater concern about high-profile global
             environmental threats like climate change, but they are
             widely misperceived as being less concerned about these
             issues than white and higher-income Americans. We use new
             survey research to explore public perceptions of
             COVID-19—another global threat marked by substantial
             racial, ethnic, and class disparities—finding a distinct
             pattern of misperceptions regarding groups’ concerns. We
             then discuss how these misperceptions represent a unique
             form of social misinformation that may pose a threat to
             science and undermine the cooperation and trust needed to
             address collective problems.},
   Doi = {10.1177/00027162221086883},
   Key = {fds363931}
}

@article{fds362932,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Mickey, R},
   Title = {White Racial Solidarity and Opposition to American
             Democracy},
   Journal = {The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
             Science},
   Volume = {699},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {79-89},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211069730},
   Abstract = {Political observers have expressed concern about the failure
             of some Americans to uphold democratic principles. We argue
             that support for antidemocratic authoritarian governance is
             associated with some whites’ psychological attachment to
             their racial group and a desire to maintain their group’s
             power and status in the face of multiracial democracy.
             Drawing on historical work, we posit that whites’ efforts
             to restrict democracy are deeply rooted in America’s past;
             and we present empirical analysis demonstrating that today,
             whites with higher levels of racial solidarity are notably
             more supportive of authoritarian leadership than whites who
             do not possess a racial group consciousness.},
   Doi = {10.1177/00027162211069730},
   Key = {fds362932}
}

@article{fds348908,
   Author = {Jardina, A},
   Title = {In-Group Love and Out-Group Hate: White Racial Attitudes in
             Contemporary U.S. Elections},
   Journal = {Political Behavior},
   Volume = {43},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {1535-1559},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {December},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09600-x},
   Abstract = {Over the past two decades, political scientists have
             demonstrated that racial animus among white Americans is
             increasingly associated with evaluations of presidential
             candidates. Like most work on white racial attitudes, these
             efforts have focused almost exclusively on the out-group
             attitudes whites possess toward racial and ethnic
             minorities. Work in social psychology, however, suggests
             that intergroup attitudes are usually comprised of both an
             out-group and an in-group component. Nevertheless, political
             scientists have tended to overlook or dismiss the
             possibility that whites’ in-group attitudes are associated
             with political evaluations. Changing demographic patterns,
             immigration, the historic election of Obama, and new
             candidate efforts to appeal to whites as a collective group
             suggest a need to reconsider the full nature and
             consequences of the racial attitudes that may influence
             whites’ electoral preferences. This study, therefore,
             examines the extent to which both white out-group racial
             resentment and white in-group racial identity matter in
             contemporary electoral politics. Comparing the factors
             associated with vote choice in 2012 and 2016, and candidate
             evaluations in 2018, this study finds that both attitudes
             were powerfully associated with candidate evaluations in
             2012 and early 2016, although white out-group attitudes
             overshadowed the electoral impact of in-group racial
             attitudes by the 2016 general election. The results suggest
             that there are now two independent racial attitudes tied to
             whites’ political preferences in the contemporary U.S.,
             and understanding the dynamics of white racial animus and
             white racial identity across electoral contexts continues to
             be an important avenue for future work.},
   Doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09600-x},
   Key = {fds348908}
}

@article{fds358764,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Piston, S},
   Title = {Hiding in plain sight: Dehumanization as a foundation of
             white racial prejudice},
   Journal = {Sociology Compass},
   Volume = {15},
   Number = {9},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {September},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12913},
   Abstract = {In the media, during sporting events, in online forums, and
             in interpersonal interactions, whites often portray Black
             people as animals, especially as apes or monkeys. In this
             essay we consider what contemporary research on prejudice in
             American politics has to say about these dehumanizing
             portrayals of Black people. We argue that contemporary
             political science work has not done enough to understand
             both the historical roots and the continuing practices of
             whites' dehumanization of Black people, to the detriment of
             an accurate understanding of racial attitudes in the United
             States. To rectify this omission, we draw on the work of
             historians to map out a brief overview of race-making and
             the dehumanizing attitudes that shaped this process. Then,
             we review political science literature on contemporary white
             attitudes toward Black people, emphasizing connections
             between prevailing conceptions of these attitudes and
             long-standing processes of dehumanization. We conclude by
             charting directions for future scholarship; we seek to
             unsettle the mainstream of a subfield dominated by mild
             conceptions of racial attitudes.},
   Doi = {10.1111/soc4.12913},
   Key = {fds358764}
}

@article{fds354588,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Kalmoe, N and Gross, K},
   Title = {Disavowing White Identity: How Social Disgust can Change
             Social Identities},
   Journal = {Political Psychology},
   Volume = {42},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {619-636},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12717},
   Abstract = {Recent work finds that the sense of solidarity some whites
             feel with their racial group is strongly associated with
             their political attitudes, particularly since the election
             of Barack Obama. Prior work has also noted that levels of
             this identity have been stable across time and data sources.
             We, however, document a notable decline in levels of white
             identity in both panel and cross-sectional national survey
             data immediately after the 2016 presidential election. Using
             a two-wave panel design, we examine the factors associated
             with this decline. We examine whether particular emotional
             reactions, especially disgust toward Donald Trump, pushed
             some whites away from their racial identity. We also
             consider the possibility that some whites may have felt that
             Trump's election reduced perceptions of racial or political
             threat, therefore lowering levels of white identity. We find
             the strongest support for the former hypothesis; the decline
             in white identity was driven mostly by whites expressing
             disgust toward Trump. Our results highlight the effect that
             the political environment can have on group identities and
             point in particular to the significant role that disgust may
             play in attenuating the strength of group
             solidarity.},
   Doi = {10.1111/pops.12717},
   Key = {fds354588}
}

@article{fds357559,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Stephens-Dougan, LF},
   Title = {The electoral consequences of anti-Muslim
             prejudice},
   Journal = {Electoral Studies},
   Volume = {72},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102364},
   Abstract = {A growing body of research has documented the development of
             pervasive anti-Muslim sentiment among White Americans. We
             build on this research to demonstrate that anti-Muslim
             attitudes and negative stereotypes of Muslim people have
             become an enduring and consistent component of White
             Americans' presidential vote choice beyond any one specific
             candidate or election. We argue that the racialization of
             Muslim Americas has increased their salience and
             significance in both the minds of White Americans and in
             national political discourse, making attitudes toward
             Muslims a consistent predictor of Whites’ presidential
             candidate evaluations in every election since at least 2004.
             We support this account with empirical evidence from the
             2004–2020 American National Election Studies, using
             measures of group affect and negative stereotypes of Muslim
             people.},
   Doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102364},
   Key = {fds357559}
}

@article{fds342358,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Traugott, M},
   Title = {The genesis of the birther Rumor: Partisanship, racial
             attitudes, and political knowledge},
   Journal = {Journal of Race, Ethnicity and Politics},
   Volume = {4},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {60-80},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2018.25},
   Abstract = {A growing body of work has examined the psychological
             underpinnings of conspiracy theory endorsement, arguing that
             the propensity to believe in conspiracy theories and
             political rumors is a function of underlying predispositions
             and motivated reasoning. We show, like others, that rumor
             endorsement can also be a function of individuals' group
             attitudes. In particular, among white Americans, birther
             beliefs are uniquely associated with racial animus. We merge
             this finding with other work which shows that rumors are
             more strongly endorsed by the individuals most motivated and
             capable of integrating them among their pre-existing
             attitudes and beliefs. We find, therefore, that it is white
             Republicans who are both racially conservative and highly
             knowledgeable who possess the most skepticism about Obama's
             birthplace.},
   Doi = {10.1017/rep.2018.25},
   Key = {fds342358}
}

@article{fds347345,
   Author = {Jardina, A},
   Title = {White Consciousness and White Prejudice: Two Compounding
             Forces in Contemporary American Politics},
   Journal = {Forum (Germany)},
   Volume = {17},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {447-466},
   Year = {2019},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0025},
   Abstract = {In recent years, American politics has been defined by party
             polarization driven in part by Americans' diverging
             attitudes toward immigration. In this article, I suggest
             that Donald Trump was able to capitalize on this
             polarization and on the way in which race is implicated in
             the issue of immigration. He did so by appealing to the
             attitudes held by two distinct groups of white
             Americans-those who possess a sense of animosity toward
             members of immigrant groups like Muslims and Latinos, and
             separately, whites who may demonstrate little out-group
             hostility, but instead have a strong sense of solidarity
             with their racial group. I show how white hostility toward
             Latinos and Muslims and white racial consciousness have
             become two distinct forces in American politics, driving
             opposition to immigration and bolstering support for Donald
             Trump above and beyond other presidential candidates,
             regardless of their party affiliations.},
   Doi = {10.1515/for-2019-0025},
   Key = {fds347345}
}

@article{fds323775,
   Author = {Diop, A and Jardina, AE and Tessler, M and Wittrock,
             J},
   Title = {Antecedents of Trust among Citizens and Non-citizens in
             Qatar},
   Journal = {Journal of International Migration and Integration},
   Volume = {18},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {183-202},
   Publisher = {Springer Nature},
   Year = {2017},
   Month = {February},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-016-0474-0},
   Abstract = {Utilizing new survey data on social capital, we examine the
             determinants and locus of generalized trust among citizens
             and immigrants in Qatar, a small, heterogeneous, wealthy,
             and non-democratic country in which immigrants far outnumber
             citizens. Scholars of social capital have explored the
             development of generalized trust in many countries. Most of
             this attention has focused on the Western world, and little
             is known about how trust forms in other contexts. Our
             findings show that important insights resulting from
             research in developed democracies apply and have explanatory
             power in some of the very different environments present in
             Qatar, that these insights do not apply and have explanatory
             power in some of the other environments present in Qatar,
             that circumstances and experiences that characterize this
             array of environments can be identified and described in
             terms of variable attributes, and that linkages can be
             established between these attributes and particular
             antecedents of generalized trust.},
   Doi = {10.1007/s12134-016-0474-0},
   Key = {fds323775}
}

@article{fds339836,
   Author = {Jardina, A and Burns, N},
   Title = {Advances and ambivalence: The consequences of women's
             educational and workforce changes for women's political
             participation in the United States, 1952 to
             2012},
   Journal = {Rsf: the Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social
             Sciences},
   Volume = {2},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {272-301},
   Publisher = {Russell Sage Foundation},
   Year = {2016},
   Month = {August},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.7758/rsf.2016.2.4.10},
   Abstract = {Over the last forty years, the gap between men and women
             with respect to labor-market outcomes, paid hours of work,
             hours working at home, occupations, college majors, and
             education levels in the United States has narrowed or
             disappeared. We ask whether these substantial changes in
             women's lives - changes in precisely the variables that have
             seemed to matter so much to our understanding of political
             participation - have enabled women's political action in the
             United States. We find that they have not, and we suggest
             that the brakes on the translation of education and
             occupation into political participation come from continuing
             ambivalence about jobs and careers. Of course, these
             ambivalent attitudes may very well reflect a reality about
             the complications of workforce participation in a world with
             unequal and limited access to childcare, parental leave,
             high-paying jobs, and opportunities for career
             advancement.},
   Doi = {10.7758/rsf.2016.2.4.10},
   Key = {fds339836}
}

@article{fds297025,
   Author = {Valentino, NA and Brader, T and Jardina, AE},
   Title = {Immigration opposition among U.S. whites: General
             ethnocentrism or media priming of attitudes about
             latinos?},
   Journal = {Political Psychology},
   Volume = {34},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {149-166},
   Publisher = {WILEY},
   Year = {2013},
   Month = {April},
   ISSN = {0162-895X},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00928.x},
   Abstract = {General ethnocentrism seems to be a powerful antecedent of
             immigration opinion, typically displaying larger effects
             than economic concerns. News about immigration, however, may
             focus attention on a particular group in a given historical
             moment. We predict group-specific affect, not general
             ethnocentrism, should most powerfully shape immigration
             policy opinion in the contemporary United States. We test
             this expectation with content analyses of news coverage,
             survey data from 1992 to 2008, a survey experiment, and
             official statistics. First, we find that mentions of Latinos
             in news coverage of immigration outpace mentions of other
             groups beginning in 1994, the year when Proposition 187, a
             proposal in California to end most social welfare and
             educational assistance to illegal immigrants, garnered
             significant national attention. Second, while ethnocentrism
             dominates economic concerns in explanations of Whites'
             immigration policy opinions, attitudes toward Latinos in
             particular account for nearly all of the impact of
             ethnocentrism since 1994. Finally, journalistic attention to
             Latino immigration roughly parallels actual rates of
             immigration from Latin America, suggesting the media shaping
             of policy opinion around this group may be driven by
             real-world demographic patterns. © 2012 International
             Society of Political Psychology.},
   Doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00928.x},
   Key = {fds297025}
}

@article{fds297024,
   Author = {Hutchings, VL and Jardina, AE},
   Title = {Experiments on racial priming in political
             campaigns},
   Journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
   Volume = {12},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {397-402},
   Publisher = {ANNUAL REVIEWS},
   Year = {2009},
   Month = {June},
   ISSN = {1094-2939},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.12.060107.154208},
   Abstract = {Since the first half of the twentieth century, whites have
             become much more accepting of the principle of racial
             equality even as they have continued to endorse negative
             racial stereotypes about African-Americans. Some scholars
             argue that this ambivalence has been exploited by
             contemporary political elites who have learned to fashion
             subtle racial appeals that activate these latent attitudes
             without appearing to violate widely held norms of racial
             equality. This strategy has been dubbed racial priming. In
             this brief article, we summarize and evaluate the work in
             this area, with a particular emphasis on studies that employ
             experimental research designs. Copyright © 2009 by Annual
             Reviews. All rights reserved.},
   Doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.12.060107.154208},
   Key = {fds297024}
}