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Publications of Candis W. Smith    :chronological  alphabetical  combined listing:

%% Journal Articles   
   Author = {Kreitzer, RJ and Maltby, EA and Smith, CW},
   Title = {Fifty shades of deservingness: an analysis of state-level
             variation and effect of social constructions on policy
   Journal = {Journal of Public Policy},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X21000222},
   Abstract = {A patchwork of policies exists across the United States.
             While citizens' policy preferences in domains such as the
             criminal legal system, gun regulations/rights, immigration,
             and welfare are informed by their political predispositions,
             they are also shaped by the extent to which policy targets
             are viewed as deserving. This article centres the idea that
             collective evaluations matter in policymaking, and it
             ascertains whether subnational levels of deservingness
             evaluations of several target groups differ across space to
             illuminate the link between these judgements and state
             policy design. We leverage original survey data and
             multilevel regression and poststratification to create
             state-level estimates of deservingness evaluations. The
             analyses elucidate the heterogeneity in state-level
             deservingness evaluations of several politically relevant
             groups, and they pinpoint a link between these social
             reputations and policy design. The article also delivers a
             useful methodological tool and measures for scholars of
             state policy design to employ in future research.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S0143814X21000222},
   Key = {fds362203}

   Author = {Smith, CW and Kreitzer, RJ and Kane, KA and Saunders,
   Title = {Contraception Deserts: The Effects of Title X Rule Changes
             on Access to Reproductive Health Care Resources},
   Journal = {Politics & Gender},
   Year = {2022},
   Month = {January},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X2100009X},
   Abstract = {Historically, access to contraception has been supported in
             a bipartisan way, best exemplified by consistent
             congressional funding of Title X - the only federal program
             specifically focused on providing affordable reproductive
             health care to American residents. However, in an era of
             partisan polarization, Title X has become a political and
             symbolic pawn, in part because of its connection to family
             planning organizations like Planned Parenthood. The
             conflicts around Title X highlight the effects of
             intertwining abortion politics and contraception policy,
             particularly as they relate to reproductive justice and
             gendered policy making. Family planning organizations like
             Planned Parenthood have responded to these battles by bowing
             out of the Title X network. To what extent have
             contraception deserts - places characterized by inequitable
             access to Title X - developed or expanded in response to
             policy changes related to contraception and reproductive
             health? What is the demographic makeup of these spaces of
             inequality? We leverage data from the Office of Population
             Affairs and the U.S. Census Bureau and use the integrated
             two-step floating catchment area method to illustrate the
             effects of a major change in the Title X network in 10
             states. Our results reveal the widespread human
             ramifications of increasing constraints on family planning
             organizations as a result of quiet but insidious federal
             bureaucratic rule changes.},
   Doi = {10.1017/S1743923X2100009X},
   Key = {fds362347}

   Author = {Volpe, RL and Hopkins, M and Geathers, J and Watts Smith and C and Cuffee,
   Title = {Negotiating professional identity formation in medicine as
             an ‘outsider’: The experience of professionalization for
             minoritized medical students},
   Journal = {Ssm Qualitative Research in Health},
   Volume = {1},
   Pages = {100017-100017},
   Publisher = {Elsevier BV},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {December},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmqr.2021.100017},
   Doi = {10.1016/j.ssmqr.2021.100017},
   Key = {fds360100}

   Author = {Smith, CW},
   Title = {A Discussion of Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird’s
             Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black
             Political Behavior},
   Journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
   Volume = {19},
   Number = {1},
   Pages = {211-212},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2021},
   Month = {March},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592720004442},
   Doi = {10.1017/s1537592720004442},
   Key = {fds360101}

   Author = {DeSante, CD and Smith, CW},
   Title = {Fear, Institutionalized Racism, and Empathy: The Underlying
             Dimensions of Whites’ Racial Attitudes},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {53},
   Number = {4},
   Pages = {639-645},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {October},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000414},
   Abstract = {<jats:title>ABSTRACT</jats:title><jats:p>For nearly 75
             years, scholars of American public opinion have sought to
             measure whites’ attitudes toward blacks: social scientists
             have invented and revised ways to measure what we could
             refer to as “racial prejudice.” With each revision,
             scholars who believe they have captured new forms of racial
             animus are met with opposition from those who believe that
             old-fashioned anti-black affect is a thing of the past. We
             directly answer these claims by collecting a surfeit of
             attitudinal measures to simultaneously estimate the
             relationship between cognitive beliefs about the racial
             status quo and emotional reactions to racism. First, we
             uncover that two higher-order dimensions undergird whites’
             racial attitudes. Second, we validate a four-item version of
             our new battery using the 2016 Cooperative Congressional
             Election Study.</jats:p>},
   Doi = {10.1017/s1049096520000414},
   Key = {fds360102}

   Author = {Crowder, C and Smith, CW},
   Title = {From Suffragists to Pink Pussyhats: In Search of
             Intersectional Solidarity},
   Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics},
   Volume = {53},
   Number = {3},
   Pages = {490-493},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {July},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000311},
   Abstract = {<jats:p>The 100th anniversary of the ratification of the
             Nineteenth Amendment is an opportunity to reflect on the
             role of women in American politics. The tools of
             intersectionality allow scholars to pinpoint the progress
             and pitfalls produced by ongoing modes of sexism and
             patriarchy as well as racism and classism. It is now well
             known that major movements for the rights of American women
             have not always addressed the issues specific to black women
             (Simien 2006). Indeed, in 1851, Sojourner Truth discussed
             this issue of not being included in conversations about
             women’s rights (or civil rights for blacks) in her alleged
             “Ain’t I a Woman” speech. Similarly, the fact that Ida
             B. Wells and other black women were told to process at the
             back of the 1913 Women’s March on Washington is another
             illustration of the historical exclusion of black women by
             their white counterparts (Boissoneault 2017). Decades later
             and even after the 1965 Voting Rights Act enforced black
             women’s enfranchisement, the Combahee River Collective
             (1977) noted the exclusion of issues that affect black women
             by both 1970s white feminist movements and male-dominated
             anti-racist movements.</jats:p>},
   Doi = {10.1017/s1049096520000311},
   Key = {fds360103}

   Author = {Smith, CW and Kreitzer, RJ and Suo, F},
   Title = {The Dynamics of Racial Resentment across the 50 US
   Journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
   Volume = {18},
   Number = {2},
   Pages = {527-538},
   Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
   Year = {2020},
   Month = {June},
   url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719002688},
   Abstract = {<jats:p>Although many scholars who study the role of racial
             animus in Americans’ political attitudes and policy
             preferences do so to help us understand national-level
             politics, (racialized) policy is largely shaped at the state
             level. States are laboratories of policy innovation whose
             experiments can exacerbate or ameliorate racial inequality.
             In this article, we develop state-level scores of racial
             resentment. By using linear multilevel regression and
             poststratification weighting techniques and by linking
             nationally representative survey data with US Census data,
             we create time-varying, dynamic state-level estimates of
             racial resentment from 1988 to 2016. These measures enable
             us to explore the extent to which subnational levels of
             racial attitudes fluctuate over time and to provide a
             comparative analysis of state-level racial resentment scores
             across space and time. We find that states’ levels of
             racial animus change slowly, with some exhibiting increases
             over time while others do just the opposite. Southern
             states’ reputation for having the highest levels of racial
             resentment has been challenged by states across various
             regions of the United States. Many states had their lowest
             levels of symbolic racism decades ago, contrary to the
             traditional American narrative of racial
   Doi = {10.1017/s1537592719002688},
   Key = {fds360104}

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