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| Publications of Candis W. Smith :chronological alphabetical by type listing:%% @article{fds367770, Author = {Bell, AM and DeSante, CD and Gift, T and Smith, CW}, Title = {Entering the “foxhole”: Partisan media priming and the application of racial justice in America}, Journal = {Research & Politics}, Volume = {9}, Number = {4}, Pages = {205316802211371-205316802211371}, Publisher = {SAGE Publications}, Year = {2022}, Month = {October}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221137136}, Abstract = {Can accessing a partisan media environment—irrespective of its content—change how Americans interpret and assess news? We examine this question by focusing on one of the most fraught issues in American society: racial justice. Although studies suggest that repeated exposure to right-leaning media messaging can amplify racial resentment, we leverage a pair of survey experiments to test whether merely seeing a conservative media masthead can make Whites render justice with racialized considerations. Results show that—even keeping the content of stories identical—entering a simulated right-leaning media environment significantly conditions racial attitudes. We find evidence of both anti-Black and pro-White biases that are activated when respondents consume information under the Fox News masthead. This study has important implications for understanding how partisan media priming shapes political views and the distinctive nature of racism in America.}, Doi = {10.1177/20531680221137136}, Key = {fds367770} } @article{fds362203, Author = {Kreitzer, RJ and Maltby, EA and Smith, CW}, Title = {Fifty shades of deservingness: an analysis of state-level variation and effect of social constructions on policy outcomes}, Journal = {Journal of Public Policy}, Volume = {42}, Number = {3}, Pages = {436-464}, Year = {2022}, Month = {September}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0143814X21000222}, Abstract = {A patchwork of policies exists across the United States. While citizens' policy preferences in domains such as the criminal legal system, gun regulations/rights, immigration, and welfare are informed by their political predispositions, they are also shaped by the extent to which policy targets are viewed as deserving. This article centres the idea that collective evaluations matter in policymaking, and it ascertains whether subnational levels of deservingness evaluations of several target groups differ across space to illuminate the link between these judgements and state policy design. We leverage original survey data and multilevel regression and poststratification to create state-level estimates of deservingness evaluations. The analyses elucidate the heterogeneity in state-level deservingness evaluations of several politically relevant groups, and they pinpoint a link between these social reputations and policy design. The article also delivers a useful methodological tool and measures for scholars of state policy design to employ in future research.}, Doi = {10.1017/S0143814X21000222}, Key = {fds362203} } @article{fds362347, Author = {Smith, CW and Kreitzer, RJ and Kane, KA and Saunders, TM}, Title = {Contraception Deserts: The Effects of Title X Rule Changes on Access to Reproductive Health Care Resources}, Journal = {Politics & Gender}, Volume = {18}, Number = {3}, Pages = {672-707}, Year = {2022}, Month = {September}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X2100009X}, Abstract = {Historically, access to contraception has been supported in a bipartisan way, best exemplified by consistent congressional funding of Title X-the only federal program specifically focused on providing affordable reproductive health care to American residents. However, in an era of partisan polarization, Title X has become a political and symbolic pawn, in part because of its connection to family planning organizations like Planned Parenthood. The conflicts around Title X highlight the effects of intertwining abortion politics and contraception policy, particularly as they relate to reproductive justice and gendered policy making. Family planning organizations like Planned Parenthood have responded to these battles by bowing out of the Title X network. To what extent have contraception deserts-places characterized by inequitable access to Title X-developed or expanded in response to policy changes related to contraception and reproductive health? What is the demographic makeup of these spaces of inequality? We leverage data from the Office of Population Affairs and the U.S. Census Bureau and use the integrated two-step floating catchment area method to illustrate the effects of a major change in the Title X network in 10 states. Our results reveal the widespread human ramifications of increasing constraints on family planning organizations as a result of quiet but insidious federal bureaucratic rule changes.}, Doi = {10.1017/S1743923X2100009X}, Key = {fds362347} } @article{fds360100, Author = {Volpe, RL and Hopkins, M and Geathers, J and Watts Smith and C and Cuffee, Y}, Title = {Negotiating professional identity formation in medicine as an ‘outsider’: The experience of professionalization for minoritized medical students}, Journal = {Ssm Qualitative Research in Health}, Volume = {1}, Pages = {100017-100017}, Publisher = {Elsevier BV}, Year = {2021}, Month = {December}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmqr.2021.100017}, Abstract = {Introduction: While the U.S. general population is increasingly diverse, less than 15% of medical school matriculants are from minoritized backgrounds. Unfortunately, early evidence suggests that the process of professional identity formation (PIF) for minoritized medical students is more difficult than that of their counterparts. We conducted serial, semi-structured interviews to learn about the experiences of minoritized medical students. We asked: How do participants understand their personal identity, and how it fits in—or does not—with the medical culture? Methods: Participants were nine third-year medical students at a historically White and rural institution who self-identified as being members of at least one group that is historically underrepresented in medicine. Participants were interviewed one-on-one, twice, using a semi-structured guide with open-ended questions. Data were collected and analyzed simultaneously, using the principles of grounded theory. Results: Two themes speak to the process of PIF for minoritized students within the dominant cultures of medicine and medical education. First, participants experienced a complex push-pull of their personal identities: they pulled their personal identities into their professional development in positive ways, but also sometimes found it necessary to push their personal identities away and make them less salient in order to be successful. Second, this push-pull contributed to feelings of self-doubt and isolation. Conclusion: The results suggest that existing PIF frameworks are too simplistic with regard to the individual person. We therefore suggest that the social psychology concept of identity theory might appropriately complicate how we think about what the individual person brings to the PIF process.}, Doi = {10.1016/j.ssmqr.2021.100017}, Key = {fds360100} } @article{fds360101, Author = {Smith, CW}, Title = {A Discussion of Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird's Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior}, Journal = {Perspectives on Politics}, Volume = {19}, Number = {1}, Pages = {211-212}, Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, Year = {2021}, Month = {March}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592720004442}, Doi = {10.1017/S1537592720004442}, Key = {fds360101} } @article{fds360102, Author = {DeSante, CD and Smith, CW}, Title = {Fear, Institutionalized Racism, and Empathy: The Underlying Dimensions of Whites’ Racial Attitudes}, Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics}, Volume = {53}, Number = {4}, Pages = {639-645}, Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, Year = {2020}, Month = {October}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000414}, Abstract = {<jats:title>ABSTRACT</jats:title><jats:p>For nearly 75 years, scholars of American public opinion have sought to measure whites’ attitudes toward blacks: social scientists have invented and revised ways to measure what we could refer to as “racial prejudice.” With each revision, scholars who believe they have captured new forms of racial animus are met with opposition from those who believe that old-fashioned anti-black affect is a thing of the past. We directly answer these claims by collecting a surfeit of attitudinal measures to simultaneously estimate the relationship between cognitive beliefs about the racial status quo and emotional reactions to racism. First, we uncover that two higher-order dimensions undergird whites’ racial attitudes. Second, we validate a four-item version of our new battery using the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study.</jats:p>}, Doi = {10.1017/s1049096520000414}, Key = {fds360102} } @article{fds360103, Author = {Crowder, C and Smith, CW}, Title = {From Suffragists to Pink Pussyhats: In Search of Intersectional Solidarity}, Journal = {Ps: Political Science & Politics}, Volume = {53}, Number = {3}, Pages = {490-493}, Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, Year = {2020}, Month = {July}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000311}, Abstract = {<jats:p>The 100th anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment is an opportunity to reflect on the role of women in American politics. The tools of intersectionality allow scholars to pinpoint the progress and pitfalls produced by ongoing modes of sexism and patriarchy as well as racism and classism. It is now well known that major movements for the rights of American women have not always addressed the issues specific to black women (Simien 2006). Indeed, in 1851, Sojourner Truth discussed this issue of not being included in conversations about women’s rights (or civil rights for blacks) in her alleged “Ain’t I a Woman” speech. Similarly, the fact that Ida B. Wells and other black women were told to process at the back of the 1913 Women’s March on Washington is another illustration of the historical exclusion of black women by their white counterparts (Boissoneault 2017). Decades later and even after the 1965 Voting Rights Act enforced black women’s enfranchisement, the Combahee River Collective (1977) noted the exclusion of issues that affect black women by both 1970s white feminist movements and male-dominated anti-racist movements.</jats:p>}, Doi = {10.1017/s1049096520000311}, Key = {fds360103} } @article{fds360104, Author = {Smith, CW and Kreitzer, RJ and Suo, F}, Title = {The Dynamics of Racial Resentment across the 50 US States}, Journal = {Perspectives on Politics}, Volume = {18}, Number = {2}, Pages = {527-538}, Publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)}, Year = {2020}, Month = {June}, url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719002688}, Abstract = {<jats:p>Although many scholars who study the role of racial animus in Americans’ political attitudes and policy preferences do so to help us understand national-level politics, (racialized) policy is largely shaped at the state level. States are laboratories of policy innovation whose experiments can exacerbate or ameliorate racial inequality. In this article, we develop state-level scores of racial resentment. By using linear multilevel regression and poststratification weighting techniques and by linking nationally representative survey data with US Census data, we create time-varying, dynamic state-level estimates of racial resentment from 1988 to 2016. These measures enable us to explore the extent to which subnational levels of racial attitudes fluctuate over time and to provide a comparative analysis of state-level racial resentment scores across space and time. We find that states’ levels of racial animus change slowly, with some exhibiting increases over time while others do just the opposite. Southern states’ reputation for having the highest levels of racial resentment has been challenged by states across various regions of the United States. Many states had their lowest levels of symbolic racism decades ago, contrary to the traditional American narrative of racial progress.</jats:p>}, Doi = {10.1017/s1537592719002688}, Key = {fds360104} } | |
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